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EVERYMAN'S LIBRARY 
EDITED BY ERNEST RHYS 



HISTORY- 



MI GNET'S 

FRENCH REVOLUTION 

WITH INTRODUCTION BY 

L. CECIL JANE 



THE PUBLISHERS OP £y€'FXM.4KS 
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TRAVEL « SCIENCE « FICTION 

THEOLOGY & PHILOSOPHY 

, HISTORY « CLASSICAL 

FOR YOUNG PEOPLE 

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BIOGRAPHY 

REFERENCE 

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London: J. M. DENT & SONS, Ltd. 
New York: E. P. DUTTON & Ca 



HISTORY Of 
tge FRENCH 
REVOLUTION 
ffoml789toJ814 
|§>^EA.M.MIGN£T 




LONDON ©• TORONTO 
JM- DENT 5* SONS 
LTD. mi NEW YORK 
EPDUTTON & CO 



INTRODUCTION 

Or the great incidents of Hi<tor» - 

attention or proved more Hiffi.^??' f""' *■"■ attracted more 
French RevolutiS.^The Slt°. "'*"?i»*'"''" *»»» *^ 
•triJdng event, and their 5acSS^''d,T'«''«« <" other 
can be readily estimated rT, c^,!^, development of mankind 
invasions mirked 4T^eat^ of (^/"h "*? '^^ ^'^ '^•'^^an 
mortally wounded by t^ ri.^ „? r^ '^'" *°"'*' "'"^iy 
fiough that the Ren8issl^ce^°l.^'^"'«**y- " *» <=l«a^ 

culminated in thS esSh JL* ?*'^. "S'^'* iespotism 
complete than that wt^hTdTlS* nLt^^''^'^"' '" »°" 
o' liberty proscribed whole r^^r*""^" The apostles 
ditching £ tonoc^t S 4":^/ «>f ^'^^'^^-^^^7. 
dehverfrom oppression ^elli^*^ ^^^ *«y claimed to 
a granny of I^rror. 7^^^^ tot^tim ."^",f ^^ "'t^'-'i'hed 
mitted the sin of beingSfate T^**' "^ *''° ^ «>">- 
-■arned fire and sword to thelarth^/'^'i''' °' *"'*«"'ity 
demanding that a contin«,t sho^ . wf*""" °' ="™P«. 
dictation of a single peop?e>Sd of tS:*^;* ^J""' "^^^ 
the most rigid of modem cod,»^fl!w,w'"°"*'°" ""^ ^"^ 
which t«wlay has causedTT w to *** »?'"* »* ="litarism 
of intolerance which h^a^iZl i^h^lfnT' '^^* '"tolerance 
lands. Nor were the acto^tet^.H'^P'*''*"«°"«' aU 
««mes enacted. The Rcvti"ti^^ '^'!^* '"=» ^"'«d than the 

Talleynmd, Robespierre ard"^:^^^^ ^"•""^^" -<» 
The marshals of the Firat F,t^^^^ .?' ^^^^^ *"d mbert. 
Restoration, the journ^u o^^h^'o^! doctrinaires of the 
were alike the children of this »e^tL«,"* monarchy, all 
of high idealism and gr<^s hrLS^„^° k°' '•*' ^ '^'^ "*"«. 
glory mingled with dSTter ^' changmg fortunes and 



vin 



The French Revolution 



To describe the whole character o( a movement so complex, 
so divcse in its promises and fulfilment, so crowded with 
incident, so rich in action, may well be declared impossible. 
No sooner has some proposition been apparently established, 
than a new aspect of the period is suddenly revealed, and all 
judgments have forthwith to be revised. That the Revolution 
was a great event is certain; all else seems to be uncertain. 
For some it is, as it was for Charles Fox, much the greatest of 
all events and much the best. For some it is, as it was for 
Burke, the accursed thing, the abomination of desolation. If 
its dark side alone be regarded, it oppresses the very soul of 
man. A king, guilty of little more than amiable weakness 
and legitimate or pious affection ; a queen whose gravest fault 
was but the frivolity of youth and beauty, was done to death. 
For loyalty to her friends, Madame Roland died ; for loving 
her husband, Lucille Desmoulins perished. The agents of 
the Terror spared neither age nor sex; neither the eminence 
C'f high attainment nor the insignificance of dull mediocrity 
won mercy at their hands. The miserable Du Barri was 
dragged from her obscure retreat to share the fate of a Males- 
herbes, a Bailly, a Lavoisier. Robespierre was no more 
protected by his cold incorruptibility, than was Bamave by 
his eloquence, H6bert by his sensuality, Danton by his practical 
good sense. Nothing availed to save from the all-devouring 
guillotine. Those who did survive seem almost to have 
survived by chance, delivered by some caprice of fortune or 
by the criminal levity of " les tricoteuses," vile women who 
degraded the very dregs of their sex. 

For such atrocities no apology need be attempted, but their 
cause may be explained, the factors which produced such 
popular fury may be understood. As he stands on the terrace 
of Versailles or wanders through the vast apartments of the 
ch&teau, the traveller sees in imagination the dramatic pano- 
rama of the long-dead past. The courtyard is filled with 
ha'f-demented women, clamouring that the Father of his 
People should feed his starving children. The WelUBeloved 
jests cynically as, amid torrents of rain. Pompadour is borne 
to her grave. Maintenon, gloomily pious, urges with sinister 
whispers the commission of a great crime, bidding the king 
save his vice-laden soul. Montespan laughs happily in her 
brief days of triumph. And dominating the scene is the 
imposing figure of the Grand Monarque. Louis haunts his 
great creation ; Louis in his prime, the admired and feared 



Introduction 



"tained with care haZi'tv. ? \^ '*'"'''' » ^«»' multitude. 

•^ gratified.' S crjan'drTcr.ri^osIr""' T' 

palace and a hell a ^^'^1, and ladie, frail as fair. A 

warning to mankind that the abu^c of «h.^?'? '''f™*' 

w^^*^h\e1e-;^<^°£L"-^^^^^^ 

S? ?oL" .^'tell a^^ tu'cZ'v "'^*'^J'> ^''"-"- '-'gh? 

-at.^rSeT-^,^^^^-^J^^„.^... 

r^tTr:oiZ:l:::^:Z^Z^:'!^ *•>>' -^^y wa, «,« Terror, 
of those who oLved -nT. 1 ^'''■*'='=°"''**'* the heini 

gallant gen tl^mt '^^ey were-^tTer."''^ '''^""''' ""' t"" 
world laments the" fate Vh. °""*' " "PP'^^dcd. a 
forgotten- all thelL; ^'^^ misery, thus avenged, is 

houn,. aS'the dlrkniss^of f 1"''^°'."°*"™''' '^^ *»»« '<""<=» 
was h dden it wa^Tut th.rii-^'Pu'- ^°' *** '"""^ 

devoid of th^t drlmati^^nte^Tt'^Sinlf^^^ °' *'"' P""'" 
hour of pain Yet he «,»,-,.?. '""■"'"es one immortal 
who wouM °ully underst^nrtTf, p''*?^*'= ''"^ht the Terror, 
only upon the suffe^To^f.^ *'"' ?^y°'"tton. must reflect not 
of inseCte freLJTut al,n°'' "^°u''" ^''=*™'' *° «" °"tburst 
frenzy was arS n a f!T ^^^If^lH'' ^^ "'^'^•' ^''^t 
took what recompense thevJt^.?^*' ^""^ ^""""^ I^op'e 
sion. They exacted retr,^ T^^. ^°' ""^"y ''^'=«J^« °f oppres- 

of all the cLter„x1f W^e" t aU tie h'"^ ^' T^-'^'"'-' 
b'lfr ^h^L^^-^f £^ ~-^™- '^^^^^^ 
- the seiesh g-or^'-f^l-x^C^^oLr;^,^^^^^^^ 



X The French Revolution 

pleasures which their forefathers had so carelessly enjoyed; 
the privileged classes for the privileges which they had usuiped' 
and had so grievously misused. 

The payment fell heavily upon individuals; the innocent 
often suffered for the guilty ; a Liancourt died while a Polignac 
escaped. Many who wished well to France, many who had 
laboured for her salvation, perished; virtue received the just 
punishment of vice. But the Revolution has another side; 
it was no mere nightmare of horrors piled on horrors. It is 
part of the pathos of History that no good has been unattended 
by evil, that by suffering alone is mankind redeemed, that 
through the valley of shadow lies the path by which the race 
toils slowly towards the fulfihnent of its high destiny. And 
if the victims of the guillotine could have foreseen the future, 
many might have died gladly. For by their death they 
brought the new France to birth. The Revolution rises 
superior to the crimes and follies of its authors; it has atoned 
to posterity for all the sorrow that it caused, for all the wrong 
that was done in its name. If it killed laughter, it also dried 
many tears. By it privilege was slain in France, tyranny 
rendered more improbable, almost impossible. The canker 
of a debased feudalism was swept away. Men were made 
equal before the law. Those barriers by which the flow of 
economic life in France was checked were broken down. All 
careers were thrown open to talent. The right of the producer 
to a voice in the distribution of the product was recognised. 
Above all, a new gospel of political liberty was expounded! 
The world, and the princes of the world, learned that peoples 
do not exist for the pleasure of some despot and the profit 
of his cringing satellites. In the order of nature, nothing can 
be bom save through suffering; in the order of politics, this 
is no less true. From the sorrow of brief months has grown 
the joy of long years; the Revolution slew that it might also 
make alive. 

Herein, perhaps, may be found the secret of its complexity, 
of its seeming contradictions. The authors of the Revolution 
pnrsued an ideal, an ideal expressed in three words. Liberty, 
Equality, Fraternity. That they might win their quest, they 
had both to destroy and to construct. They had to sweep 
away the past, and from the resultant chaos to construct a new 
order. Alike in destruction and construction, they committed 
errors; they fell far below their high ideals. The altruistic 
«nthusia3ts of the National Assembly gave place to the 



Introduction 



*ar from realisine that bright V"."'"'"*"- The Empire was. 
which had da^l^^^e ^^ofl^.u' * '^'^'^'^^ «tio^ 
<rf the States-General. lSX w« ^*^ " *« *"* «•»»'» 
eqnaUty to man's love forti&r*" '«'="«<=«» to efficiency; 
<gW. So it has iZ^atu °r"' .^**''"**y *° d«^ 
perfect, and his imne^fi™ '1"'°*° "*<»*. Man is im- 

Whatever gC mS^t ° f "^"^ ''^^ achievemen™. 
attainment h« fXn^,h^rt^„^ =™»^^5«0- '*« altimaT; 
anthois of the Revotati^^ere C ^ "^^^ P"""^- The 
able than their feUows to d^nt ?*" ' ^'^ ""» no more 
way of happiness "^15 t^vTr^d^t^" '""It'"* *° *" *^" 
of despotism and anar^y ^W J^^tT,*^" ^^^ extremes 
««<*• And their task rZi^ii^ dechned from the path of 
d«ams were fi- from at^Z*l T^}^"^- Many ^f ^e^ 
noera of perfect blS; tt^ pfX^'t"!:.*"^ inaugurated 
tabonrwasnotinvain. D^S.!?;. ^-"P"*- B^t their 
all Its crimes and blunder ttrFre„^u''S''PP?'".*«'»ts. despite 

a wonderful event It diH rn!^l ?^™'"*^°" ''^s a gi^t 
humani^. and the world ^ the°^tte'"for Its ""^ "P'^t^Tof 

That he might indicate tWs tn^th *w ? °^:^"'""'^- 
^g.to counteract the dist^o^ofttl n ^'JJ'^" ''° «»»«=- 
be came from Aix to Paris «.,f«; . ""* moment when 
steadily in France. D^^ had fall"' r"*?°" '^^ ^>^ 
su«ndering to the -Jta-rey^t^u', ^"^ XVIII. wal 
fortuitous events as the m^T^f .^^"^^ ^'^'^ *V »ch 

supported by an artifi,SlSX°'<^,V?"".± ^"^- »<» 
endeavouring to bring back X 2,^ ! 9''^'»r. Vill«le was. 

for the Migt^s was £ady mo^^'" 't'^- ^Compensation 
education suggested D^IJ^^^^' "eelesiastical control of 
rendered diffitnlt ^d ^^ ""■" °* *« mmistiy w^ 
the press. Ab^"; ^^ Zcb^!^'^\^ «>= censo^p''" 
f;^ certain misrepresent^„f ^P^^ e<r«u=tion relied u^pon 
eouutry. The memory of tteTe^,"**"* .^.'**°'y of their 
sedulously kept aUve. The^Iu"!L'"" »^ ^'^'»; " wa» 
revolutionary violence, t^ fS Z"' *"=°"™8ed to dread 
v-olence had been evokeTand which it hT" "'' '''"'* ^^^ 
all complaints of executive^nv J S^f "'''P* ^'''ay- To 

— XV,. ^ •^f^'^szissrss'^^^ 



xii The French Revolution 

granting of such demands, the way had been prepared for the 
bloody despotism of Robespierre. And they pointed the 
apparent moral, that concessions to superficially mild and 
legitimate requests would speedily reanimate the forces of 
anarchy. They insisted that by strong government and by 
the sternest repression of the disaffected alone could France 
be protected from a renewal of that nightmare of horror, at 
the thought of which she still shuddered. And hence those 
who would prevent the further progress of reaction had first 
of all to induce their fellow-countrymen to realise that the 
Revolution was no mere orgy of murder. They had to deliver 
Liberty from those calumnies by which its curtailment was 
Tendered possible and even popular. 

Understanding this, Mignet wrote. It would have been 
idle for him to have denied that atrocities had been committed, 
nor had the day for a panegyric on Danton, for a defence 
of Robespierre, yet dawned. Mignet did not attempt the 
impossible. Rather by granting the case for his opponents 
he sought to controvert them the more effectively. He laid 
ilown as his fundamental thesis that the Revolution was 
inevitable. It was the outcome of the past history of France ; 
it pursued the course which it was bound to pursue. Indivi- 
<luals and episodes in the drama are thus relatively insignifi- 
cant and unimportant. The crimes committed may be 
regretted ; their memory should not produce any condemna- 
tion of the movement as a whole. To judge the Revolution 
by the Terror, or by the Consulate, would be wrong and foolish ; 
to declare it evil, because it did not proceed in a gentle and 
orderly manner would be to outrage the historical sense. It 
is wiser and more profitable to look below the surface, to search 
out those deep lessons which may be learned. And Mignet 
closes his work by stating one of these lessons, that which to 
him was, perhaps, the most vital: "On ne pent rigir d6sor- 
mais la France d'une manidre durable, qu'en satisfaisant le 
double besoin qui lui a fait entreprendre la revolution. II lui 
faut, dans le gouvemement, une liberty politique rielle, et 
dans la soci6t6, le bien-6tre materiel que produit le diveloppe- 
ment sans cesse perfectionni de la civilisation." 

It was not Mignet's object to present a complete account 
of the Revolution, and while he records the more important 
events of the period, he does not attempt to deal exhaustively 
with all its many sides. It is accordingly possible to point 
out various omissions. He does not explain the organisation 






Introduction 



ofth "J *'" 

commune rofte°Lr:i?f'" 'V= ""'^ glances at that of the 

tionately brief But tL .^ " appears to be dispropor- 

wealth o'imateriaU^fLTtsS'"*^/*^ P^""^' "^^ *« 
one man to discuss it in detail S^rfM-i* "»?»»*«« for any 
than loses by its li^itationf ^ ^Iw^f " Tf"^ 8"^' ^''ther 
fundamentaf thesrie du°y relord^'nt^^^^ "'"'*'^t« hi- 
of events are clearly indicated th.^ir ?''* ^"^ "'"'*« 
described in so far al t w ." k *'*"°"* °' individuals are 

ThewholebootismaAedbvan^rM"*" ""*°'''' P"T~«e- 
on rare occasions, ZT^^l^ZTJ^ "npartiality ; it isVnly 

stances in which it wi ^tt?n hL^^'"'"''- *"* *"«= ^^^--n- 
the judgments pass^ Zr L th^ been permitted to colour 
"Educed by the fa^at m Je™ rli"''^' '"'^ ^"'"^ ^"^-""ly 
in certain ^particularr^:^c^urso^'^=°?P"''''*^'«^''i°n 
a final and detailed hikt^ of til T '^ "°* mtended to be 
study of a great Joch ^d itcH?:'- " '^ ^ P^o^ophical 
may be criticised, it is il1Smteat^^,^7'T '^^ P"*"* °' ^«» 
vation. It supplies a thoTht^S .''«" w°rthy of preser- 
upon the French Revolution '"spinng commentary 



1915 



L. CECIL JANE. 



town, at fiist Sudyta| ikw sT.f J'*"?*'''! «' AvignoTid ta hii^tivi 
he removed to pSI issi a?d d.v?,r/i«^'',? ^""^ '""«7 sic^" 
professor of history at tbeA^^ \^^ i''^'^" '° »T'''°g- He wST; 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 

hJ?^'"'*'^'' '°»V*''"'5? ^'i Saint Loui. et de rtofluenwde U wiwt 
tion de ce prince, iSaa; Hi.toire de la rtvolutioo francaise. i8m (SS. 
' *ii-' if?"'™. ««««. Bohn's Ubtaries, 1846); LT^imie au ^^ 
!^!S1 "^'J? S^Xg^""" »» chriatianW M »n Eduction ^ U 
»oo«« civUisfe de rEurope ocddentale, 1^34; Euai nir iTfa^ttai 
tsnltoriale et «4itique de la France deplii. Gin delaeriedS jSS?aU 
£» <»» »'*..'83«; Notices et Mfanoires tistoriquei, 1843; SarG&Jtot 
Moabdicatioii, son rtjour, et sa mort au monast&e de ySU, i843VAiSS<J 
f^Sli'^PP'.'V '*♦» (tranriated by C. Cocks, LotSSi, is/e; tnS? 
latel from secwid French edition by \i. F. AinsWorth/LindS iSSr 
Histoire de Marie Stuart, 3 voU., 1831 (translated by A. fe S»S lU? •' 
Portrait, et Notkes historiques'et litt&ai^TvXV iSssTmSli wl' 
ilS?*% '***■' Hiftoire de & rivaUW de Fraijois I. et de ChaSoTOutor 
1875; Nonveauzilogeshistorlques, 1877. vii«t». «uini. 



CONTENTS 

IwnooDcnoH . 

Maarepa,, prim, minisier-His n^tev_rK~^ '*"*""- 
—Their plans-OoDosed h„ .C ' "«°'' Malesherbes, Necker 
-Their t'Z^-S^Tolmu^^l^V' """^"^ '^"- 

nunisten-CIonne and hi, SS^l b^ ""ff^ded by court 
.ttempt,-Di.tressed state T^l^?'^''}" "'""^^^ "d 

oahe3tates-.„:^-S;:--rS,™^^^ 
CHAPTER I 

F«0-XH.5T„0,MXV,,,89.„T„.N.0„X0KXHK4TH0,A.0VST 

Oath ol the Tenni5H»S^e t," °' ?° "*"' «° >« '=J<>«d- 

June-Its inutilitjr_Pro"S^°?!n5°^*'i"'»« <" «l>e ,3rd of 

F<»n, tion of the national ea^i-^Tj^'T^^""' <" P"**- 
-Coasequence, of the wtf" fT^^""' ''^« <" "" BastiUe 

4th of August-Chi^MteJ of tte^^w"^ ?' ""^ "«" <" «>« 
brought about. "volution which had just been 

CHAPTER 11 

"SiZ^'SZ " .'" "■ " *"" " ■"■ » "= «.. " 



PACK 



I» 



XVI 



The French Revolution 



the two chambers: Mounier, Lally-Tollendal— Popular party: 
triumvirate of 9aTnave. Duport, and Lameth— Its position- 
Influence ot Sieyis — MiratKau chief of the assembly at that period 
— Opinion to be formed of the Orleans party — Constitutional 
labours — Declaration of rights — Permanency and unity of the 
legislative body— Royal sanction— External agitation caused by 
it— Project of the court — Banquet of the gardes-dii-corps— Insur- 
rection of the 5th and 6th October— The king comes to reside at 
Paris, 



CHAPTER III 

Froii the 6th of October, 1789, to the Death of Miubeau, 
April, 1791 g^ 

Results of the events of October— Alteration of the provinces 
into departments — Organization of the administrative and muni- 
cipal authorities aocurding to the system of popular sovereignty 
and election — Finances; all the means employed are insufficient — 
Property of the clergy declared national— The sale of the property 
of the clergy leads to assignats — Civil constitution of the clergy— 
Religiotis opposition of the bishops— Anniversary of the 14th of 

July— Abolition of titles — Confederation of the Champ de Mars 

New organization of the army — Opposition of the officers — Schism 
respecting the civil constitution of the clergy — Clubs— Death of 
Hirabeau — During the whole of this period the separation of 
parties becomes more decided. 



CHAPTER IV 



From April, 175 , to the 3oth September, the end of the 
Constituent AssEi^dLV 

Political state of Europe before the French revolution — System 
of alliance observed by different states — General coalition against 
the revolution— Motives of each power— Conference of Mantua, 
and circular of Pavia— Flight to Varennes— Arrest of the king — 
His suspension — ^The republican party separate, for the first time, 
from the party of the constitntional monarchy — The latter re- 
establishes the king— Declaration of Pilnitz — The king accepts 
the constitution — End of the constituent assembly — Opinion of it. 



88 



Contents xvii 

THE NATIONAL LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 
CHAPTER V 

F.0MT„..„o,OCT0B«.,,,..xoT„K„ST0,S.,XK«B„,.„, . To^ 

aL"4' decree for »«""*r '"'' Bohemia-Disaster, of our 

of tl,e king; faU of tbTr^f-^ nonjunng priests; veto 

of the ,oth of J;^e Jo ^c^^t """'^'^-P'""™ "' msurgents 
t«aU of the minUterlt-T^r i"" P*V'"« °' "« <•'«««' and the 
Manifesto of thi^ of B^r of the constitutional party- 

Massacre, of th^Td^f w!lS^ r^™ °' "« Prussian^. 
Causesof the.r.runS:rg^,^e^3>;.' "■" ^-""^ 



THE NATIONAL CONVENTION 

CHAPTER VI 

F»OM TH. ,0T„ O, S.„.«B.,. ,„,. „ „, ,,„ „^ ^^^^^^^ 

to the dictatorshi^M^^a, ^l?r ''*' -"""^ '■™ "« ^^P'^g 
Louvet; RobSn ^V*"*'" .J^""''"°" "' Robespierre by 
order of the da^^L Mor.Li '""^ Convention passes to the 
demand the iTlotLolxvT^"""""" ""' ''"««''• 

moments-What he was, and what he was not, as a king. 



■4» 



J CHAPTER VII 

I F«o« THE «ST OP JANUARV, ,793, TO THE «D OF Ju.P 

Sp^" Nl«'^d"rth""''r °! ^'-"-England, HoUand", 
pam, «apies. and aU the circles of the empire fall in with the 



170 



4 



XVIII 



The French Revolution 



eotlitioD— Dufflouiiei, »fter havinc oooqueicd Belgium, ittempU 
•n expedition into Holland— He wlihes to ie-e*tabli>h ccoitlttt- 
tional monarchy— Revenes of oiir annies— Strugfle between the 
Gironde and the Mountain — Conspiracy of the loth of March— 
Iniurrection of La Vendfe; iti progrni — Defection of Dumouriea 
—The Gironde accused of being his accomplices — New con- 
spiracies against them— Establishment of the Commissioa of 
Twelve to frustrate the conspirators — Insurrections of the J7lh and 

31st of May against the Commission of Twelve; its suppression 

Insurrection of the ind of June against the two-and-twenty leading 
Girondists; their arrrst- Total defeat of that party. 



CHAPTER VIII 
FaoM THi aND OF June, 1793, to April, 1794 .... 
Insurrection of the departments against the 31st of May^ 
Protracted reverses on the frontier*— Progress of the Vend^ans— 
The MotUagiuuis decree the constitution of 1793, and immediately 
suspend it to maintain and strengthen the revolutionary govern- 
ment — Lnie m masse ; law against suspected persons — Victories 
of the MoiUagtuads in the interior, and on the frontien— Death 
of the queen, of the tweUy-two Girondists, etc. — Committee of 
public safety; its power; itsmemben — Republican calendai^-The 
conquerors of the 31st of May separate— The ultra-revolutionary 
faction of the commune, or the H^bertists, abolish the catholic 
religion, and establish the worship of Reason; its struggle with 
the committee of public safety; its defeat— The moderate faction 
of the Monlagnaris, or the Dantonists, wish to destroy the re- 
volutionary dictatorship, and to establish the legal government; 
their fall — ^The committee of public safety remains alone, and 
triumphant. 



'93 



CHAPTER IX 

From the Diath of Danton, Afril, 1794, to the 9TH Therhidor 
(a7TH July, 1794) 

Increase of terror; its cause — System of the democrats; Saint- 
Just — Robespierre's powei^-Festival of the Supreme Being— 
Couthon presents the law of the aand Prairial, which reorganiaes 
the revolutionary tribunal; disturbances; debates; final obedience 
of the convention — ^The active members of the committee have 
a division — Robespierre, Saint- Just, and Couthon on one side; 
Billaud-Varennes, CoUot-d'Herbois, Banire, and the members 
of the OHnmittee of general safety on the other — Conduct of 
Robespierre — He absents himself from the committee, and rests 



I 



Contents 

oo tlM Jaeoblnt and the commune— On the Rth „» xi. u .. 

demudi the raoewal of the ^JmilTlr .^ Thennldor he 



CHAPTER X 

FllOll THE 9TH TherhiDOR TO THE I8T Pr««ia1. Yfa. Ill / 

MXV,^.7«,. EPOCH O, THE R„E XNO^Fr^^IrDE^c!.!';^^ 

The convention, after* the fall d d»k.~,' 

bourn declan- fm tk. «ij »ne jaccoinsand thf Fau- 

>^uig> anciare tor the old comraittws: the i«ni««/. j«.j. j 

Se^re Llre^iredTorth'^^'-^ ■" '"^ ""^^^^ 

«»».itutionof-,3;»:it'u:'^:?;HS~"'-'^^^'^*'' •''•'■' 



XIX 

tAOB 



»4J 



I 



CHAPTER XI 

' (:"h"o'/o" o^E"rYKirir''T:'E c'/'''' " ™- ^" «""-« 

" «»), XKAR IV., THE Close of the Convention 

m the »uth-Directcrial ^nsWutfon oMhe y tr' .T-d::^" 

in.urgent-Th" MtninH* °""^^ """"" P"*''"" ''<■«»■"« 
«dl^the di^tt^!^™tT'.';::r^PP°'."'"«°' onhecoundU 
character. '^"'^°^-^<^ of the convention; its duration and 



362 



XX 



The French Revolution 



'1 



THE EXECUTIVE DIRECTORY 
CHAPTER xn 

F«OII THI lM«T*ltAT10M OF THl DlK.CTORV, ON THE trt« OcTOBlll "" 
«»J. TO TMI Cour-D'tlAT OF THt |8tH FHOCTIDOll Y«*« V 

(SKDAuotUT, 1797) .' a»o 

Rfview ot the revolution— lis lecond charMtcr ol reoTKUiiia- 
tioo; Uaniition from public to private lile— The five directors: 
their laboun for the interior— Pacification ol I.a Vend*e— Con- 
spiracy of Babeuf J final defeat of the democratic party— Plan of 
campaign against Austria; conquest of Italy by general Bona- 
pu-te; treaty of Campo-Formio; the French republic is acknow- 
ledged, with Its acquisitions, and its connection with the Dutch 
Lombard, and Ligurian republics, which prolonged its system in 
burope— Royalist elections in the year V.; they alter the position 
o« the republic— NeW contest between the counter-revolutionary 
party in the councils, in the club of Clichy, in the salons and the 
conventional party, in the directory, the club of Salm, and the 
army— Coup d'«tat of the iSth Fructidor; the Vendimiaire party 
again defeated. ' 



CHAPTER xm 

From th« iStii Fructidor, in the Year V. (4Th or September 
'797), TO THE i8iH Brvhaire, in the Year VIII. (oth of Novem- 
ber, 1700) ... 

' **' 304 

By the i8th Fructidor the directory returns, with slight miti- 
gation, to the revolutionary government— General peace, except 
with England— Return of Bonaparte to Paris— Expedition into 
Egypt— Democratic elections for the year VI.— The directory 
annuls them on the aand Flor«al— Second coalition; Russia 
Austria, and England attack the republic through Italy, Switzer- 
land, and Holland; general defeats-Democratic elections lor 
the year VII.; on the 30th Prairial the councils get the upper 
hand, and disorganize the old directory— Two parties in the new 
directory, and in the councils: the moderate republican party 
under Sieyis, Roger-Ducos, and the ancients; the extreme re- 
publican party under Moulins, Golier, the Five Hundred, and the 
Society of the Man4g<^Various projects— Victories of Mass«na 
m Switzerland; of Brune, in Holland— Bonaparte returns IronI 
Egypt; comes to an understanding with Sieyis and hU party— 
The i8th and 19th Brumaire— End of the directorial system. 



Contents 

THE CONSULATE 
CHAPTER XIV 

Tor. j.r. Z""" "". "' "''"""• '«" " "' "o 

of the Kovemmenl; paciKc deiim. „i n ~'^''™""'"' 

lUly; victory ol MarenKilcS ^ """"P^'-^ampa.gn of 
the treaty of Lun6vilirw^n f ^ •^J" ' "" "" '""'in^nt, by 

.>-.t.m of the First Con.ul; re-V.uWUhe. °'l'""-'^bUiou, 
by the Concordat ol 1802- hVrr... . '^'"«>' '" '*"= "»'«. 

hood, by mean, of IheilJlo^ of hI'^' '"L"'"'' '""" "' '"■'^ht. 
of thing, by the conl^lT °l"m^H^':^'""7 '"'' °"'" 
with England-Conspiracy of" enrT, 'Tp T "' •"»«""<•> 
»nd royali.tatten.pt, form a preVe«TJr '^'"»«™-The war 
-Napoleon BonaparteTpoint^ hirln . '™"°° °' "» «"'?'« 
by the pope on the ,„d o? D« :?b^r,1 '"LT'^' 'J ""*"'<' 
Dam,v_Succe.«iv. abandonmen" oj" the ' f- "'""'' •" "*'« 

absolute power during th.fory:.rrloahc7ot"ula°.r'^°*'"'°' 



XXI 



FAOI 
3M 



THE EMPIRE 
CHAPTER XV 

F«0«T„eE5T*BU9HM,NTOPT„e E«p,„, .8o4-,8,4 

.h^S:;t.:!'L,:Sm::^§;:f.^t."r'';'" "-''■' ^^ 

victorie. of Ulm and Austerlit, ^T. , /^= "■""" "' ^^nna; 

.he two kingdoms of Bavi ia^/w,,!.?!'"™"''""' = "«tio„ oi 
Confederation of the RhinZ^„ W,u-temberg against Austria- 
of Naples; Louis Napoton^Jro'jHn''"^".''^^""''^'* ^'"^ 

battle of Jena; cap.nrLfBerif'lil.ts'TE:;'^''"!?.^™''''''"^ 
peace of Tilsit; the Prussian mnn^r^K'^''" ""'"^"''"''"d; 

the kingdonui of Saxony rdTes^h^V' ''"""" "'' "■- "aK 
it; that of Westphalia giTen ^ ito ' ' ^' '''""""'^ -^-'"^' 
empire rises with fts seconia^ k^nior •, ''"'r''-'^''" ^'""^ ' 
Rhine, its Swiss mediation l^^effrh'.. "'"'''"""™ <" '"e 
of Charlemagn^Blockade' of t^eoi '1 ' '' -"""'"^d on that 
'he cessation of commerce to reduce E„;,2i";;\'''f°'' ^•'"■y^ 
arms to subdue the continant_?^vi°f„ „f -."' ^' ''^^ '"P'^y'd 
Joseph Napoleon appointed to the thml ?c P'"" ^^ Po""**!; 
him on the throne'^Ji Ces^New "der J""""; »'"'" «Ph.«s 
!<»»— new order of events: national in- 



343 



xxii The French Revolution 

•umctkm o< Um pmlntuU; nllflout eoalml with lh« pop*— 
C<iaiin«Kltl oppotllloa of HolUnd— Fifth eoalltloD— Victary o< 
WiiTun; ptace ol Vlcana; mwriM* ol Ntpobco wllb lh« web- 
duehn* Mwi* LouIh— Piilura ol lb* iilnnpl at ralttum; the 
popr it dcihronnli Holland ii a«aln ualled to th« empira, aod th« 
war In Spain proaccutnl with vigoui^ Ruwia rraounccf lb* eon- 
tionilaliyitcm; campaign of ■ tit; capture olMoMow; dliattroua 
retreat— Rrartlon afalntl tha powrr of Napok'ao; campaifn of 
iSij; (cncral deintioo— Coalition of all Europe; cihauttloo of 
France; marvrllout campaign of 1814—7116 allied powcn at 
Parii; abdication at Fontainblcau ; character ol Napoleon; bla 
part In the French revolutioo— Concluaion. 



If 



4 



HISTORY OF 

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 

raoic 1789 TO 1814 

INTRODUCTION 

I the English revduti^K Urthe'- ^^^^^ ^"™'^' " 

Thi, revolution not onFy molfied the" ?/t"T«°^'™?'"'»- 
entirely chanmd the nt, rn.i - • . P°'^}'^i POwer, but it 
forms^f S^^ety of thT' iS^'""" "'fh' ""ion. The 
land was divided!ntnh„.,i * *8e» still remained. The 

das.^ SoMvhadtrr^^^^^^^ 

•U their distinctions the nlnnl. i ^" P?**"' ■"" "'" "tamed 

dewd m^n'frl^ttirt;:;:!^!^^^^^^^^^^^^ 
»d'STs$:\sr*fr;e'uV?^'°^^^^ 

oppression of tithcrnJoD^rtvfrn^ Ik •' ""''-"'".on and the 

.x««,i5S.*SSu" SZ?f' T"?! '""1°" 



2 The French Revolution 

When a reform has become necessary, and the moment 
for accomplishing it has arrived, nothing can prevent it, every- 
thing furthers it. Happy were it for men, could they then come 
to an understanding; would the rich resign their superfluity, 
and the poor content themselves with achieving what they 
really needed, revolutions would then be quietly effected, and 
the historian would have no excesses, no calamities to record; 
he would merely have to display the transition of humanity 
to a wiser, freer, and happier condition. But the annals of 
nations have not as yet presented any instance of such prudent 
sacrifices; those who should have made them have refused to 
do so; those who required them have forcibly compelled them; 
and good has been brought about, like evil, by the medium and 
with all the violence of usurpation. As yet there has been no 
sovereign but force. 

In reviewing the history of the important period extendmg 
from the opening of the states-general to 1814, I propose to 
explain the various crises of the revolution, while I describe 
their progress. It will thus be seen through whose fault, after 
commencing under such happy auspices, it so fearfully degener- 
ated; in what way it changed France into a republic, and how 
upon the ruins of the republic it raise the empire. These various 
phases were almost inevitable, so irresistible was the power 
of the events which produced them. It would perhaps be rash 
to affirm that by no possibility could the face of things have 
been otherwise; but it is certain that the revolution, taking its 
rise from such causes, and employing and arousing such passions, 
naturally took that course, and ended in that result. Before 
we enter upon its history, let us see what led to the convocation 
of the states-general, which themselves brought on all that 
followed. In retracing the preliminary causes of the revolution, 
I hope to show that it was as impossible to avoid as to guide it. 
From its establishment the French monarchy had had no 
settled form, no fixed and recognised public right. Under the 
first races the crown was elective, the nation sovereign, and the 
king a mere military chief, depending on the common voice for 
all decisions to be made, and all the enterprises to be under- 
taken. The nation elected its chief, exercised the legislative 
P|wer in the Champs de Mars under the presidentship of the 
king, and the judicial power in the courts under the direction 
of one of his oflScers. Under the feudal regime, this royal 
democracy gave way to a royal aristocracy. Absolute power 
ascended higher, the nobles stripped the people of it, as the 



Introduction 

and the judidal auCityTo tKsals b ^T P^'^r'"''' 
In a word, power had become mnr^li ^^ manorial courts, 
as it had p^ed from t^rTnv to tS- f """t '=°"«"t'ated. and 
the few to be invested i^ one ^one n^A^ '"'"' "^ ^' ^^'»" 
tmuous efforts, the kines of Fr3: u^ centuries of con- 

feudal edifice, and at leSth tW alhf't ^I'l'""^ ^°^ the 
ruins, having step by s en usurped f^f.^''/'^''^ themselves on its 
suppressed the ffiSTwnn '''''"^'i'=<**'''=^«^''als, 
the maiiorial courts CumeHfLi".'-^"""""'' °^ subjected 
that judicial aut^ri^ Tout h '? -'^^ ^^"' ""^ '^'"^^ 
on their behalf, i„ p"a7liatems o'f S"' '" ''"'" "^™ ="'' 

for?hrp^uSro?"^Sfu;^^^^^^^^^ 
of the thrrorders oTtheSn thi"",'^ which were composed 
the third estate or commons haS'nore-T^' • '"'^^'^' *"'' 
ated while the royal p^ro^trvew^l!'" *'"'**"'=''; Origin- 
at first controlled, and finXs""n^« ""Progress, they were 
and most determinXpSonT, T- "^ ^l '^- ^^' '"^'^S^'^ 
their projects of agSzS n^„'"^^^^^ *° ""'"'"''^ '" 

these assemblies, wwKTaTthori^H''''^''^ T^^ '^ fr*"" 
than from the noWes S.5'^ °.'' ^™""^<1 at pleasure, 

sovereignty, ^d then thlr'oS'^^^ '^'"'' '^''' 

Augustus to lx>uL XI tte t? of^^ Z™'" ^^'"P 
preserve their own power from L?- ^" *>"«■• efforts was to 
become the ministeH that Tro™^ ^ThlV^"!,' ^^^- *° 
last campaign of the aristocracv nnli t • ^^""'^^ "^' ^I^^ 
monarchy definitively estaMsheH it.Yrf 3^"" -^^^^ ^''='''"t'= 
disDute. ^ established itself, and dominated without 

wa?stSToT:r"bi?:a^^Xn'^^^^^^^^^^ 

much more power S^eS;/- th'^o-rchs had 

opposed the encroachments of 7h;=' ""^ ^^"■'^'s "'at 

exceedinglv feeble Thl..„ ^^^ immense authority were 

!^-a.A./f6f property^y%Sattn'Tf'tH' 'T"' ""' '^"'" 
„ imposts. Certain borii^^ ™"lis<;ation, of the public revenue by 

I which were t^^Ted pt ^ but't^sf T""' "' ^'''''■^'' 
--.and punish £-S.^^K--"^^bv^^J 



3| 



The French Revolution 



't 

I 

I' 



r 



exempt from taxation; the clergy were entitled to the privilege 
of taxing themselves, in the form of free gifts; some provinces 
enjoyed the right of compounding the taxes, and others made 
the assessment themselves. Such were the trifling liberties of 
France, and even these all turned to the benefit of the privileged 
classes, and to the detriment of the people. 

And this France, so enslaved, was moreover miserably 
organized ; the excesses of power were still less endurable than 
their unjust distribution. The nation, divided into three orders, 
themselves subdivided into several classes, was a prey to all 
the attacks of despotism, and all the evils of inequality. The 
nobility were subdivided: into courtiers, living on the favours 
of the prince, that is to say. on the labour of the people, and 
whose aim was governorships of provinces, or elevated ranks 
in the army; ennobled parvenus, who conducted the interior 
administration, and whose object was to obtain comptroller- 
ships, and to make the most of their place while they held it, 
by jobbing of every description; legists who administered 
justice, and were alone competent to perform its functions; 
and landed proprietors who oppressed the country by the 
exercise of those feudal rights which still survived. The clergy 
were divided into two classes : the one destined for the bishoprics 
and abbeys, and their rich revenues ; the other for the apostolic 
function and its poverty. The third estate, ground down by 
the court, humiliated by the nobility, was itself divided into 
corporations, which, in their turn, exercised upon each other 
the evil and the contempt they received from the higher classes. 
It possessed scarcely a third part of the land, and this was 
burdened with the feudal rents due to the lords of the manor, 
tithes to the clergy, and taxes to the king. In compensa- 
tion for all these sacrifices it enjoyed no poUtical right, had 
no share in the administration, and was admitted to no 
public employment. 

Louis XIV. wore out the main-spring of absolute monarchy 
by too protracted tension and too violent use. Fond of sway, 
rendered irritable by the vexations of his youth, he quelled all 
resistance, forbad every kind of opposition, — that of the aristo- 
cracy which manifested itself in revolt, — that of the parliaments 
displayed by remonstrance, — that of the protestants, whose 
form was a liberty of conscience which the church deemed 
heretical, and royalty factious. Louis XIV. subdued the nobles 
by summoning them to his court, where favours and pleasures 
were the compensation for their dependence. Parliament, till 



Introducti n - 

silence and submission orsTx?y3^'''j, '«?"=''' ."P? '' » 
the revocation of the Sint^L ^ duration. At ength, 
despotism, ii, artora^l ""*" completed this work of 
resSan« buTitdemKhirv '"'."•''* "^^ ^^^ "« endure 
imitate it. After f^Wn? ^blctedlKt-"'' ''T°^' "^'^ 
persecutes conscience- ntedinJfTt ^*'°"' °^ "en. >t 
victims, when they do'notfa^ f„Tts war'Z"°*'°"' '* ^^"^^ 
of Louis XIV. w4s exerciserf fnt^ f/" ^-^ """"ense power 
externally, against aU F„rr ^ ^"''' ?«»'"'* *e herrtics; 
men to comSfdra^rto ser^^'^nn""" '"""^ ""'"''""^ 
>t; the, undsofFr^^we rehJCtT"'VV"<^''"™Se 
were drowned in songs of vic^,!^ ButatL.T''' ^'' 8™"« 
died, the victories ceased iSn.t^ ^■*'' *''! "'" "^ 8en'"s 
app^^red; andthefa^^teLeevSt'ffih''^' '"°"'''' ""■'- 
of despotism exhaust its iSour«, «nH * "^^^ successes 

that future has arrived ^'°""^'*'' ""^ ^""^mne its future ere 

w^a su'dtnlSiSorin^'V'^^' ^°' ^ "-«""; *ere 
the spirit of obe~°o thZf H' "^'' '% '"<^edulity, from 
the third estate acQuir^Hin ° "°"- Under the re^ncy, 

wealth and inteiiiX fllLTfhT^vi-''^', **'"' '"^^Lii^g 
tion, and the cler^Tinfluen- Vn^'^'^ °=i'" -^on^idera! 
proseaited ruinoufwL"s a«d whSltoleT ^''-}^' -^""^ 
m a silent struggle with onJnJr,^ • "' ^'ory, and engaged 

system. Royalty had invested them »ff>,^ °^ P"""""- ^"^ "^ 
nowturned^ainstit Nocoon„r w I* ? P^^'er which they 
been accompThed by the combineH fl ''^ ""1".°^ *^ aristocracy 

prerogative, and its amhi>;^„ „ T j ,""* exercise of ts 
i-Htothestrot^'^„^^J;rrtr^!'it'S^^^^^^^ 



*M 



:i 



The French Revolution 



I apinst the aristocracy and the nation against the crown. 
s this that made it so popular under hows XV. and Louis 



crown I 

It was this that made it so popular \ 

Xyi., although it only attacked the court from a spirit of rivalry. 
Opinion, without incjuiring into its motives, applauded not its 
ambition but its resistance, and supported it because defended 
by it. Rendered daring by such encouragement, it became 
formidable to authority. After annulling the will of the most 
imperious and best-obeyed of monarchs ; after protesting against 
the Seven Years' War; after obtaining the control of financial 
operations and the destruction of the Jesuits, its resistance 
became so constant and energetic, that the court, meeting with 
it in every direction, saw the necessity of either submitting to or 
subjecting it. It accordingly carried into execution the plan 
of disorganization proposed by the chancellor Maupeou. This 
daring man, who, to employ his own expression, had o£Fered 
retirer la couronne du greffe, replaced this hostile parliament by 
one devoted to power, and subjected to a similar operation the 
entire magistracy of France, who were following the example 
of that of Paris. 

But the time had passed for coups d'itat. The current had 
set in against arbitrary rule so decidedly that the king resorted 
to it with doubt and hesitation, and even encountered the dis- 
approbation of his court. A new power had arisen — that of 
opinion; which, though not recognised, was not the less influen- 
tial, and whose decrees were beginning to assume sovereign 
authority. The nation, hitherto a nonentity, gradually asserted 
its rights, and without sharing power influenced it. Such is the 
course of all rising powers; they watch over it from without, 
before they are admitted into the govenunent; then, from the 
right of control they pass to that of co-operation. The epoch 
at which the third estate was to share the sway had at last 
arrived. It had at former periods attempted to effect this, but 
in vain, because its efforts were premature. It was then but 
just emancipated, and possessed not that which establishes 
superiority, and leads to the acquisition of power; for right is 
only obtained bv might. Accordingly, in insurrections as m the 
states-general, it had held but the third rank: everything was 
done with its aid, but nothing for it. In times of feudal tyranny, 
it had served the kings against thi> noble;; when ministerial 
and fiscal despotism prevailed, it assisted the nobles against the 
kings; but, in the first instance, it was nothing more than the 
servant of the crown; in the second, than that of the aristo- 
cracy. The struggle took place in a sphere, and on the part of 



Introduction j 

"^yTTZ' "^^ ''!;'"? '•' ."*' "P"'^'! to have no connexion When 
Wd rf„J^ T'' ''«fi""'\«'y beat™ in the time of the Fronde^ h 
khadXed ^'' " ^"=" P^°°^ ''°«' --""^-^ -« tSe p;;' 

fOT it m, .» P^f't'""- ^^« =o"rt was to have another antagonist 

nl^^J' T^ '" l'"''.""^ ^^f'^t, while able to aid intife d^ 
pls^ment of authority, it could not secure it for i?se"f 

sucti was the condition of France when 1 01,;= yvt „ j j 

ierneXThi"' 'f" °^ *^^^' "^^- ^'-"- -hYse'eS 
the fe!^kr,,nt ™-'w°'*'re '"'"''*'^ °f <^^'dinai de Fleury. nor 



".I'd 



8 



The French Revolution 



I: 



renounce >ts exercise; they were exasperated with the burden- 
some dissoluteness of the court of Louis XV.; the morals of the 
new tang were pure and his wants few; they demanded reforms 
that had become indispensable, and he appreciated the public 
want, and made it his glory to satisfy it. But it was as difficult 
to effect good as to continue evil; for it was necessary to have 
suffiaent strength either to make the privileged classes submit 
to reform, or the nation to abuses; and Louis XV.. was neither 
a regenerator nor a despot. He was deficient in that sovereign 
will which alone accomplishes great changes in states, and which 
IS as essential to monarchs who wish to limit their power as to 
those who seek to aggrandize it. Louis XVI. possessed a sound 
mmd, a good and upright heart, but he was without energy of 
character and perseverance in action. His projects of ameUora- 
tion met with obstacles which he had not foreseen, and which 
he knew not how to overcome. He accordingly feU beneath 
hi3 efforts to favour reform, as another would have fallen in 
his attempt to prevent it. Up to the meeting of the states- 
general, his reign was one long and fruitless endeavour at 
ameuoration. 

In choosing, on his accession to the throne, Maurepas as prime 
mmister, Louis XVI. eminently contributed to the irresolute 
chM-acter of his reign. Young, deeply sensible of his duties and 
of his own insufficiency, he had recourse to the experience of rn 
old man of seventy-three, who had lost the favour of Louis XV 
by his opposition to the mistresses of that monarch. In him the 
king found not a statesman, but a mere courtier, whose fatal 
influence extended over the whole course of his reign. Maurepas 
had little heed to the welfare of France, or the glory of his master • 
his sole care was to remain in favour. Residing in the palace 
at Versailles, in an apartment communicating with that of the 
kmg, and presiding over the council, he rendered ihe mind of 
Louis XVI. uncertain, his character irresolute; he accustomed 
hjm to half-measures, to changes of system, to all the inconsisten- 
cies of power, and especially to the necessity of doing everything 
by others, and nothing of himself. Maurepas had the choice 
of the ministers, and these cultivated his good graces as assidu- 
ously as he the king's. Fearful of endangering his position, he 
kept out of the ministry men of powerful connections, and 
appomted rising men, who required his support for their own 
protection, and to effect their reforms. He successively called 
Turgot, Malesherbes, and Necker to the direction of affairs 
each of whom undertook to effect ameliorations in that depart- 




Introduction 



oThilstdt*"-"--' ^^^^ •>«'' l-en the ™.ediate obiec! 

paJ^tX\&<^:^A°- » 'r'^ in the W, inherited 

give to every man his rights to the «. i^'u' "« '^hed to 
defended; to protesta^tf be«v o?rnn"" ''' ''"^ P"'^^^ of being 
l"berty of the press; to et^yZ'!"''' ^o^^hors.thf 
and he proposed the abolitTo/offh^ tn^' ^'^°'"'^ '"«d<>m; 
ment of the edict of Nan es and thV""^""' '^« re-establish- 
»>chel and of the censur^ furgot of '"PP'*^''°" "' '""" <?* 
hensive mind, and an ex raSrv « '''«'''™"' ^^ compre- 
character, attempted to S"t,^ 1™""" '^d strength of 
He jomed Malesherbes, in order wthK?""'' .extensive projects, 
he establishment of a system whTch,^ f„^f ?"'^t' '? complete 
the government and equalhv ti 11^^ """"^ '^ck unity to 
atizen constantly occuS U Jf ^kh T" '^^ ^"^ 
the condition of the people Tennni* '^^ amehoration of 
revoution accomplished at a 'later n^W^*°*'\^°""'' ''^^ the 
servitude and privilege H^ nf^ Penod,-the suppression of 
districts from statute labo^'^P"'-'^ »° enfranchferthe rSra 
commerce from inte™ j^fces ^ traTe7 ^°"" '^'^ ^^. 
astly, to make the nobilitv InH i ^^°'^ "« shackles, and 

m the same proportion" ^la&te""'^-"'* *" ^' *«- 
of «*om Malesherbes said, " he h« tht ^ ?"/ «™at minister, 
heart of I'Hdpital," wXrf k„ „ "*^ ^^ad of Bacon and the 
to accustom the nat^fto pu'blTcT. °* ^'"^'""^ «*'nb«es 
restoration of the states-~i " H^w"'uP,f'P*^^ '' f°r the 
revolution by ordinances,fad he beenlhW^''*^* effected the 
the system of special privilXlnH ^ , '° ''*"«'• But under 
or Uie public food we^SaS"" t''''"".'^*' ^" P^-^S 
courtiers by his amelioratiZ d'snIP^,;HT^'^°' dissatisfied the 
abohtion of statute laboT wa^dP''1f • '^ ^^^ Parliament by the 
and alarmed the old minister b^K ^'i ^"^ '"Vernal duties 
gave him over Loulxvi & •'''""".''^"cy which his virtue 
the same time observing that^ur^tTiv""'' ''''"' ^''""gh at 



lO 



The French Revolution 



Elan for reforming France, less extensive than that of Turgot, 
ut which he executed with more moderation, and aided by the 
times. Appointed minister in order to find money for the court, 
he made use of the wants of the court to procure Uberties for the 
people. He re-established the finances by means of order, and 
made the provinces contribute moderately to their administra- 
tion. His views were wise and just; they consisted in bringing 
the revenue to a level with the expenditure, by reducing the 
latter; by employing taxation in ordinary times, and loans 
when imperious circumstances rendered it necessary to tax the 
future as well as the present; by causing the taxes to be assessed 
by the provincial assemblies, and by instituting the publication 
of accounts, in order to facilitate loans. This system was founded 
I f on the nature of loans, which, needing credit, require publicity 

( of administration ; and on that of taxation, which needing assent, 

requires also a share in the administration. Whenever there is a 
deficit and the government makes applications to meet it, if it 
address itseh to lenders, it must produce its balance-sheet; if it 
address itself to the tax-payers, it must give them a share in its 
power. Thus loans led to the production of accounts, and taxes 
to the states-general; the first placing authority under the 
jurisdiction of opinion, and the second placing it '-nder that of 
the people. But Necker, though less impatient for reform than 
Turgot, although e desired to redeem abuses which his prede- 
cessor wished to c stroy, was not more fortunate than he. His 
economy displeased the courtiers; the measures of the provincial 
assemblies incurred the disapprobation of the parliaments, 
which wished to monopolize opposition; and the prime minister 
could not forgive him an appearance of credit. He was obliged 
to quit power in 1781, a few months after the publication of the 
famous Comptes rendus of the finances, which suddenly initiated 
France in a knowledge of state matters, and rendered absolute 
government for ever impossible. 

The death of Maurepas followed close upon the retirement of 
Necker. The queen took his place with Louis XVI., and in- 
herited all his influence over him. This good but weak prince 
required to be directed. His wife, young, beautiful, active, and 
ambitious, gained great ascendancy over him. Yet it may be 
said that the daughter of Marie Th6r4se resembled her mother 
too much or too little. She combined frivolity with domination, 
and disposed of power only to invest with it men who caused her 
own ruin and that of the state. Maurepas, mistrusting court 
ministers, had always chosen popular ministers; it is true he 



Introduction 1 1 

cl«i's fo™iH'»'^°-'" ''^ .'■^'^ government from the higher 
Classes, formed a ministerial assembly whirh hn,i nl-.J,^ 
proper existence nor a commis^on Tf »«. • a^ ""ther a 

mmmm 



12 



The French Revolution 



\l\ 



which a devouring ahministration had excavated. It learned 
With terror, that the loan. o( a few vean amounted to one 
thousand iuc hundred and forty-six millions, and that then wai 
an annual defiat m the revenue of a hundred and forty millions. 
Thu dudosure was the signal for Calonne's faU. He feU and 
was succeeded by Brienne, archbishop of Sens, his opponent in 
the usemblv. Bnenne thought the mciority of the notables 
waa devoted to hmx, because it had united with him against 
( alonne. But the privileged classes were not more disposed to 
make sacrifices to Brienne than to his predecessor: they had 
seconded his attacks, which were to their interest, and not his 
ambiuon, to which they were indifferent. 

The archbishop of Sens, who is censured for a want of plan 
was m no position to form one. He was not aUowed to continue 
the prodigahty of Calonne; and it was too late to return to the 
retraichments of Necker. Economy, which had been a means 
Of safety at a former period, was no longer so in this. Recourse 
must be had either to taxation, and that parliament opposed: 
or loans, and credit was exhausted; or sacrifices on the part 
of the pnvileged classes, who were unwilUng to make them. 
■IV^''}V^°!" °*« ^^ l«e" the chief object of life, who 
with the difficulties of his position combined slendemess of means 
attempted everything, and succeeded in nothing. His mind 
wao active, but it wanted strength; and his character rash 
without firmness. Danng, previous to action, but weak after- 
wards, he rumed himself by his irresolution, want of foresight 
and constant vanation of means. There remained onlybad 
measures to adopt, but he could not decide upon one, and foUow 
that one; this was his real error. 

The assembly of notables was but little submissive and very 
parsimomous. After having Sanctioned the establishment of 
provmoal assemblies, a regulation of the com trade, the abolition 
of corvies, and a new stamp tax, it broke up on the atth of May, 
1787. It spread throughout France what it had discovered 
respecting the necessities of the throne, the errors of the ministers 
the dilapidation of the court, and the irremediable miseries 
of the people. 

Brienne, deprived of this assistance, had recourse to taxation 
as a resource, the use of which had for some time been aban- 
doned. He demanded the enrolment of two edicts— that 
of the stamps and that of the territorial subsidies. But parlia- 
ment which was then in the full vigour of its existencTand 
in all the ardour of its ambition, and to which the financial 



Introduction i ^ 

ftT^J^"*,"* °1 *i" "'^*^ °^'^ » ">««» o' augmentiiiK 
lU power, re u.ed the enrolment. Banuhed to Trove, it srew 
weary of exile, and the minuter recalled it on Sion ul* 
tJ" •A"^»,»A''"'d be accepted. But thi, wa. on y a .ul 

t^e i«..? f PP'"=*"°"» f°' money; W» existence depended on 
the issue of several successive loans to the amount of four 

en"r"tl?"o?tS '"""°'"- ^' *" "'«»^ *° ""^^ "^^ 
the^«iIII™.nT?*il!?°PP°''^'°" '™"' *be parliament, procured 
them^^rrv»nH " m'" "^y" "'.^' '■■""■«' ^"d to'conciliate 
th^?S7;n .K P""" °P'"'°"' *'" P™testants were restored 
to their nghts in the same sitting, and Louis XVI. promised an 

of the states-general before the end of five years But th™ 

eToTmeT "r "° '°"'^*^ '"•«"*"*= P«riiamTnt relused t^ 
enrolment, and rose against the ministerial tyranny. Some of 
«s members, among others the duke of Orlea^, were ba^iThed 

Sre" ?heT~n''^/ •/ " "^T'' '^'^"'' '""" ^ ""'"'•^^^ 
bv^ he WnV ?V "* "^"jbe". This decree was amiulled 

increased ^' ^"^"""^ ^^ parliament. The warfare 

of ^Frarr'r/ °^ ^""^ **f supported by all the magistracy 
claim^tK' ^t *"~"™8ed by public opinion. It pro- 
claimed the rights of the nation, and its own incompetena 
m matters of taxation; and, become liberal from intere^TS 
rendered generous by oppression, it exclaimed ag^nstarbir^ 

blitv of f^ J„!^k"^ of courage, it decreed the irremova- 
bility of Its members, and the incompetence of an - who 

by the wrest of two members, d'Epremenil and Goislard 
cour?' " °* '^' ^^^' ""• "-^^ establishment of a pWy 

svsSfc'^W -r*^ ^'fi t^ opposition of the parliament was 
systematic, that it would be renewed on every fresh demand 
for subsidies, or on the authorization of every bam E^^was 

dtt^oSr^J^T^'^'"'"' ^."^'""'^^'^ °^P°'''-" "^^^^^^^ 



'4 The French Revolution 

^i^il!!!IP**"'^•°"P''« drterouMtion « greater denev ^1 
oon«d«.Uon ud orolity. But he made a ^u^ ^the 
force of power, anJ ^vhat it was poHible to effecUn £ "mw 
Maupeou had re-t.ubli.hed parliament, changing iu rn^S- 
Umoipion wuhed to diwrginiie it. The fint of theS Se^' 
rf .t^.ucceeded would onV have nroducertJm^r^ re^j 
the wcond mu.t have produced a definitive nne,5nceitXed 
at destroying the power, which the other only tr^ed to d .pUce- 

not tXlT'"^ "'"^ ""' '•"'' '""^ ^'»' »' Umoigno^a 
not be effected. The execution of the latter was howrvrr 

onlhe'jL^e'irrn'- f 'If ^T t-y o^a^ w!L°3 
m^ahi tT^ 1 ^' 'V'^" ^^^ ">« "<=* judicial organization 
Sl?>t nfi '?'"!••. The, kpeper of the seal, deprived the pJk" 
ment of Pan. of it. pohtical attributes, to invest with tW a 
p^^ary court, ministerially composed, ^nd reduced its judkial 

S fh. i^ • °P'"'°° *"* '"d'gnant; the Ch4telet pro- 

be formed nor act. Disturbances broke out in Dauohini 
Bnttany, Provence, Flanders, LanguMoc, and Bfarn- the 
minwtty, mstead of the regular'opposSon o p^SamenT had to 
ZTa "fl"""? '""".'^i'natedand factio\«^ ™e noWUty 
the th^d estate, the pr->vincial states,and even the clerg^,took 
part m It. Bnenne, pressed for money, had calLd t .^er an 
SS^'^^h.T'""^ °' '^.^"«y' -"^o in-mediately m^ t^ 
m,^,nS It '""*','. '*!"r'*in8 the abolition of his plenary 
t^frir.V*"' '*'^L' "l^^" »tates-general: they alon? couW 
thenceforth repair the disordered state of the finances secure 

h„?^T "i""? °i ^'"*' ^y ^ «"»*<»' "ith the parliament 
^^^TZi 't" '^°*'' ^y "'' "8 " PoliticalSSy: 
The moment the la ter ceased, the former re-aSpeared. and ma(-i 

toiSru^n^'fH''''^ °'''"™"«"'='*''"^''''«^"°^'°^ "^^^^^^^ 
to make use of the plenary court, and not wishinir to recall the 

t^n Z'h?;^.™""'' "Y '"' ^^^°"^"' promisedVhe co^voc^! 
Heh^H h.!n n'?r'!:^'i ^^ ^^^ ""^' ^^ hastened his rui^. 
He tod been called to the financial department in order to remedy 

whTreTaSt™"* 'ki'^'' ""r?°*'='^- '""' '° P'OcureZn? 
wmcn he had been unable to obta n. So far from it he had 

T^t^f '""^ "^''°"'.^T'J * '^'^"■°" "" the rriltdie^ 
of the state, compromised the authority of the eovemment 

" tl^e tuA' TsT^'' the states-general^hich, ii?h:Tpron' 
ot tne court, was the worst means of raising money. He sue- 



Introduction 



IS 



?^^V^ M^^ °' "^"8""' 'T^- The cause o( his f.11 wa. 
t« tSr^»Z„ ' ^rJl' "} "*" '"*'"" °» 'he debt, which 
JhV ^n.» w Ti"*"' °' bankruptcy. Tl.i. tniniiter hat been 
tne moit blamed because he came last. Inheriting the faults. 

i^;^'?.^"?'"'* ° P"* *'"«'' h' had to struggle with he 
difficulties of his positfon with insuflicient meanlT He triH 
intrigue and oppression; he banished, suspended, disorganized 
^rliament; everything was an obstacle to liim, nothinS 

Tnrf 'J t^^'i'V ';T ""Opacity, for had he been far stronger 
Sn hZ '»•/"'' *'?.'' •" ^=" * ^'^'"="*" "' " Sully, he woSld 
^llit^fr. "*"• '' "" '""8" appertained to any one arbi- 
trarily to raise money or to oppress the people. It must be 

whti"h," *"'""' '^" ^' ^- ""' ^reatefthat position from 
which he was no able to extricate himself; hislonly mistokc 

Tf ri'ir'"'"?-' '?" '" "^"V^^^ ''■ «"' f'" through the faul? 
of Calonne, as Calonne had availed himself of the confidence 

ThTo'ne tt'r '"V^' r^'? °' »"'' ■'»-"' e-phure 
MteWUhJ.^ destroyed credit, and the other, thinking to re- 
establish it by force, had destroyed authority. 
«nH *1!.*^'*';8^""''' had become the only means of government, 
d^inH if '■"''r'* °' *'^* *''™"«- They had ^en eageriy 
demanded by parliament and the peers of the kingdom, on the 

St J« h, A ^ ^'''JtV '" IV. "''""'^'y "t ^o- ■"• ^he provincial 
weTth-f/'^P""* *^' public mind for them; and thenotabl^ 
were their precursors. The king after having, on the i8th of 
^^'^^',' r^^' P"'"'*"'' 'heir convocation in five years „„ 

i^L M, ^^'*' "^' .I""' *•"= "P*"'"? f°' 'he ,st7f May 
1789. Necker was recalled, parliament re-established the 
penary court abolished, the kiliwicks destroyed and Se 
provinces satisfied and the new minister prepared eve^g 
for the election of deputies and the holding of the states^^*' 

which till Th.'n I ^J^^ '**""«'' ^°°'' P'^"^* ■" the opposition, 
wmch till then had been unanimous. Under Brienne the 
ministry had encountered opposition from all the various 
Vn^l M l^' '•"'*' because Tt'^had sought to oppress Tern 
Under Necker, it met with resistance from the same bod^S' 
M Frn^ r"'"".'"' themselves and oppression fo? he 
still h^H ^l n"" ''"fr*"^' '* had become national, and it 
St 11 had them al equally against it. Parliament had main- 
fn^tf "t^RSle for authority, and not for the public welfSe- 
and the nobility had united with the third estate, rather aga"st 



'6 The French Revolution 

the government than in favour of the Deonle Fa^h „f ... 

thJ^'l^°K"^ representation was required by the intellect of 
tt ^h^^ttaTS^aS'^'ltt^^afr''^ f Portan|:^Jicl^ 

deputies of the nobility and clerRv toeether N^rW *^ ' 

obtained the admission'^of the^'S^^Se-ord^er orth"e'S:°Iy: 



Introduction 






himself to secure'thTfomination^ltX^ 07^1°"' ""'"='' 
and to draw up manifestoes st ""na w^i^ ■ " 2.*" P^"?' 
had but little influence in^;,*-.^„^"* ^\^<^^- Parliament 
-nie nobility seS a fr ;\, 'nn ? i '"t'''* ^ " "°"^ « ^l- 
as were devoted to the '.e^'fts of tK^fo'rA ""' "^f'"'^ '""'^ 
opposed to the third estac ", ^c th nl.V k' ''".'^ ?* '""='' 
families of the court, ^e cler^ nnn ;« ^ L-''/ °^ ^^^ ^reat 
attached to privilege and rnrZ^ non.mated bishops and abbes 
which was U.I own Ki^^rtV*^' '''.*' PT'^""^"^^. 
enlightened, firm, and uninis'^hifSs' 'tZ' "'" 

of the clergy, of fortv-eX V^Ik- u "^« Parhament ; that 

^ o, dS,,'i",'.°f .3S5'i°S,S STiS'Sf 1 

Thus was the revolution brought abo-it Th= „„ -. • 
tried to prevent as it »ft»r„ j j ^^ '^°"'^ '" vain 
Under th^ dSon o Maur^^^^^^^ *° «""• it- 

ministers, and mX attemms'^S're or^"^ "om,nated popular 
of the queen, he nominated court mfcs an." 'h' '"""^""^'^ 
at authority. Oppression nietw;^TrI!i ^ ""^^ attempts 
After applying in'^^Ifn o cour iers^o^rif '' 1""=''" ^ "'°™- 
ment fw levies, to capitaUsU for loin ■^"^="*r"*'' *° P*'"'^- 
payers, and mC TJ-al IT' n' '^"^ ^ "''^ **^- 
demanded of the notaWesc?^ltiLn^.i,P'"'K^«'<* °"^"'- He 
a participation in the charges 'fth°^ nobles and the clergy. 

He then for the first ti~l°d to ^M^' "if^ ''^"^'^• 

the states-general He treX^ w.VK fi ^'^'"'^' ^"^ invoked 
nation before treating wihh. n»? *• T'°"' ^'^''' "^ ^he 
on the refusal of the firJ that hr'"" ?'// ^"<^ " ^^ °^y 
whose intervention anT'support Ktad r HeV P^I 
private assemblies, which bemff UniL.j ' ^* Pi'eferred 



The French Revolution 



i8 

Il^X ter f ^■^»"=- Opposition passed from parliaments 

ni«,„ ,! L'^ P^' ^ proportion as each participated in 
power It began its opposition, untU aU these W^vatToDDOs^ 
uons were fused in or gave way before the national oppS. 
f^med ^^ °°'^ '^""^"^ " ■•^^'"''tion which w,S aire Jj^ 



CHAPTER I 

FROM THE 5TH OF MAY, 1789, TO THE NIGHT OF THE 
4TH OF AUGUST 

fh^f/^' ,^ religious ceremony on the pr^iout day prefacS 
theff installation. The king, his famUy, his ministers the 
deputies of the three orders, went in procession from he ch i ch 

Men did not without enthusiasm see the return of a nttTnn.i 
I?rd°a"lItt*'""'^^^"'=^'j''<^^°"°'°°g^Sb^nd:p^^^^^^^^^ 
fl JSi f ^ '^PP'^^"^ of a festival. An enormous multhude" 
^^hJT f ^^l Vers^Uks; the weather was splendid 
they had been lavish of the pomp of decoration. The exci ement 

^«t "T^' '^' '""'* '^^ '"^fi'^J expression of tie wTthe 
beauty and demeanour of the queen, and, as much as imyfhine 
the general hope, exalted every one. But the etimieS. ^^1' 
tumes, and order of the ranks of the states InMTt^e seen 
witib regret. The clergy, in cassocks, large cloafa,*^^" qC" 
caps, or m violet robes and lawn sleeves, occupied the fost S 
Then came the nobles, attired in black coats with waisS a^d 
facing of cloth of gold, lace cravats, and hats with white nl„.^^= 
turned up in the fashion of Henry iV. S m^«t thfrd "?»?' 
^e l^t, clothed in black, witT short dc^^tusKtatf 
and hats without feathers or loops. In the church tlS s^«' 
distmction as to places existed between the thr« orders 

deJ^nr=:^^-^-s^Li,:^si^ 

deputations from Dauphin^, from Cr^pi in Valois to which th^ 
duke of Orleans belonged, and from Provence, were revived 
w^th loud applause. Necker was also received on hfa en^rcf 
w th general enthusiasm. Public favour was te^tifiprl V)., ? 
an who had contributed to the conv^tL of the s^tlg^"^ 
When the deputies and ministers had t^.n^^%^^ 
19 



20 



The French Revolution 



true feeling oiVgo^lr^^^^-wi^'^eglTtoXstl"^^^^^ 
very much applauded when he delivered at The cW «/? 



The States-General gr 

changed the ancient method of deliberation, by grantine a double 
representauonmfavourof the most numerousof^het^^eor^^^^^^ 

t^vnf h^'^^''K ^""i'".°^ '*""'"" '^^'^^y f^""- Although 
^ vJn, ^^ 'f k' •'y P"ducing but one result, seems to have the 
advantage of best representing the general desire, the kfa^^ 
Wishes thjs new form should be adopted only with the fo^f 
amsent of the states, and the approval of his maj^ty But 

tl^ ZvT: ^ "•" T" '°" °" '^' 'f"^'''""' whatever distkc! 
tions may be drawn between the different matters that will 

t^rZrH-'^"^ deliberation, there can be no dou"t but that 

jf^l^ii ■ • ^^^ government was not opposed to the vote 

^£1"" ^"T^y T?'"- '' ''^'"g ""^^ expeditious but in 
pohtical questions It declared itself in favour of voting by order 
^ a more effectual check on imiovations. In this way Sht' 
thenTn^ \' 'ts own end,-namely, subsidies, and noVto aUow 
the nation to obtam its ob ect, which was reform. The msZZ 
m which the keeper of the seals determined the province oT^he 
cour?'^Hrr'H''''H°T*' '"°"' P'"'"'^ '""^ intentions of tt 
^xa ion in nrnT . **"""• '■" ^ '?*"'""' '" '^' '"l^i^X i«o 
«sDectwTl,r 'V°'' '*' ^""^ to the discussion cf a law 
E^rm nf ^^T' 'S' t'.'°.P"rP'«'« of fixing its limits, and to 
the reform of civil and criminal legislation. He proscribed ai^ 
other changes, and concluded by laying: "All just den^ds 

murs, he has condescended to overlook them with indulgence- 
he has even forgiven the expression of those false and eS-' 
pnt maxims, under favour of which attempts have been made 
to substitute pernicious chimeras for the unalterabl prS« 
of monarchy. You will with indignation, gentlemen repeuLl 
dangerous innovations which the enemies of the pubTgood 
seek .0 confound with t^e necessary and happy changed wWch 

|«.embly looked to M. Ne4r, from whom h exJectedTS 

^f^^- ^' '^^ *•"= pop"'*"- "^'"^te--. had obtained the 
double representation, and it was hoped he ;ould approve of the 

hs nurX '.*" ""'" ^^n,"^ •'"^''""S the third e^Le to til 
Its numbers to account. But he spoke as comptroller-general 

was a lengthened budget; and when, after tiring the assemblyi 



22 



The French Revolution 



an« of thTTt™ °y^' f ^' '^"'^ understood the import- 
In th^wav he wo^3^h*° ^f^'^'^himself with their labours. 

m ght prevent dispute. Louis XVI. wavered Xtw^n l; 

a"r„7nd"7'''' "^ ^'^''?'' ^"d his rurt'direS^by the 
queen and a few princes of his family. ' 

Necker, satisfied with obtaining the representation nf th. 

Un^t'o^r^^t^'ttr'^n^^^^^ theTnrandTh: dl^n! 
of « o«v TTu * appreciatmg sufficiently the importance 
of a cnsis which he considered more as a financial th^n^^S 



The States-General 



23 



one, he waited for the course of events in order to act and 
flattered himself with the hope of being able to g^iSe th^e 
events, without attempting to prepare the way for them. He 
lelt that the ancient organization of the states could no loneer 
be mamtamed; that the existence of three orders, each oossess- 
mg the right of refusal, was opposed to the execution of reform 
and the progress of administration. He hoped, after a trial of 
this tnple opposition, to reduce the number of the orders and 
bring about the adoption of the English form of government 
by umting the clergy and nobility in one chamber, and the third 
estate in another. He did not foresee that the struggle oiT^ 
begun, his mterposition would be in vain: that half measur^ 
would suit neither party; that the weak through obstina^ 
and the strong through passion, would oppose this system of 
moderation. Concessions satisfy only before a victory 

The court, so far from wishing to organize the states-general 
sought to annul them. It preferred the casual resistance of the 
great bodies of the nation, to sharing authority with a permanent 
assembly. The separation of the orders favoured iu views 
It reckoned on fomenting their differences, and thus preventine 
theni from acting. The states-general had never achieved anv 
result owing to the defect of their organization ; the court hoped 
hat It wouW stiH be the same, since the two first orders were 
less disposed to yield to the reforms solicited by the last The 
c ergy washed to preserve its privileges and its opulence, and 
clearly foresaw that the sacrifices to be made by it were more 
numerous than the advantages to be acquired. The nobiiitv 
on Its side, while It resumed a political independence long since 
lost, was aware that it would have to yield more to the people 
than It could obtain from royalty. It was almost entirely in 
favour of the third estate, that the new revolution was aboi" 
to operate, and the first two orders were induced to unite with 
the court against the third estate, as but lately they had coa- 
lesced wUh the third estate against the court. Interest alone 
led to this chauge of party, and they united with the monarch 
without affection, as they had defended the people without 
regard to pubhc good. '^ ^ '"'"ui 

No efforts were spared to keep the nobility and clergy in this 
disposition. The deputies of these two orders were the obiects 
of favours and allurements. A committee, to which the most 
illustrious persons belonged, was held at the countess de Polic- 
nac s; the pnncipal deputies were admitted to it. It was here 
that were gained De Eprimenil and De Entraigues, two of the 



24 The French Revolution 

Here also the costume oftheTp' L, "7 the^'S^ffl^T"^ 
was determined on. and attemnUmnH. ? °'»erent orders 

by etiquette, then by fSe ZdZt^W^'""' ''"' 
recollection of the ancient state, U^^?,.'^'-, ''J- ^°''=*- The 
it thought it could rSatTtre"^'?/.^Pi:«^ '" 'he court; 
Paris by the army^Kput es of 7he /v^J "'' P^*' "'»™» 
the nobility, rule the stateThv ^nf .• ""["^ *'*"* ^y 'ho^e of 
ate the orders by r^S ^rf.^r*'".^ *'"' "I*^*"' ""d ^«Par- 
nobles and lowerKTo'^rnr S^teT'^^h'' f^*^^^ 
It was supposed that all had been Dreinf.'/il ' •''"' ""'"«' 

On the 6th of May the dav ah^'- ^^ ^""''"^ ""'''"8- 
the nobUity and cW ^nat^ed ' ,hp' °P^"'"S.of the state!, 
and constituted theSvS^ Ue thi^S steX" '"' '^^^' 
of its double representation thrmnc^ „ ^"'^' °" *=™"nt 

Salle des Etats aU™o it aSiS^?hleTT^°l'^''' ^'^ '•>« 
orders; it considered its si ua?fon a/^rr*"''',''?'' '^o other 
as presumptive deputies ^d adonf J '^'"'"^' "" ™'"^« 
tai the oth^er orders slTould unite S i? "C."" °' '"'^^'^'^J' 
struggle commenced the W nf Jk- i. Then a memorable 
the Evolution should L Sed or Itoo^H '°^'f ""«''*' 
of France depended on the semmHon^,^^ • ^*, ^"^"""^ f«e 
TT>is import^t question ^Vse'^rre^ubi^rofV/ '\°'^'^- 
of powers. The popular deDuties ««^.^ ^* verification 
ought to be made iS common s?icT even Jf'2 ^"" ^' '^^ '» 
orders were refused, it w^possMe'to In i ■ "^°" °* *he 
each of them had in the exaTSn J .i, ^ *''' '"**'^"t '^hich 
the privileged deputies ar^ed '„ th P""^"" °^ *« "'hers; 
ordei; had\ disC eX„« the^eX^' '^' t^'' *'»« 
made respectively. Thev feirthat Z^ ""^" ""^ht to be 
would, for'ihe fut^ re^^'defLVsepU ^^g^^^^^^^ 

attended with peril, \y sL^Tu^r'A '^°"^' ""* ""' 
struggles constantly'renewed thLt thev ^1''' '".'T-' '*"'' ''^ 
The systematic "Activity the^alpterforthe*^*'' °''^*'*- 
ment was the surest and wisest cour«.-fL; ** commence- 
the way to.victory is to know how tT^a^^f^r^ X'^."''''" 
were unanmious, and alone inrmrA !; "^"rit. f he commons 
states-general; ihe nobuTy tdtt "C^t^""' "' ^ 
dissentients; the maioritv of the r^P,,^, *T*' P°P"1«" 

bishops, friends of PeLXSit^'^^-^'St.t:'^ 



The States-General 



themsilvM Jmedator^'^B^*".?" "'I '^th of May to offer 

ministry undertook to remilate thp h;««™_ " , waers, the 
sioneis. In this wav thVc7»f. ^ differences of the commis- 

Five weeks had already elapsed in useless parleys The thi.A 



26 



The French Revolution 



constituted themselves the National Assembly. This bold steD 
by which the most numerous order and the only one whose 

V^:iT^'^T"^' *='""^ "»•" *• representation^ 
France and refus. d to recognise the other two tiU they submitted 

^rf7S,n»^^.K '""' ''^''""'"'d questions hitherto undecided, 
«il^'' ^^ '^""i''y °' *''* "»"» '"to "> ""^n-Wy of the 
TnAi^- ^^fy"'™ »' °fde" disappeared in political powers, 
and this was the fim step towards tRe abolition of classe^in the 
private system. This memorable decree of the 17th of June 
contained the germ of the night of the 4th of August ; but it ^ 
necessary to defend what they had dwed to dfdde, aSd th*« 
'?h'^1°"^ H ''" '",*.'' determination could not be mrntained 
r.iar^f fi"t decree of /Ae National Assembly was an act of sove- 
reignty. It placed the privileged classes under its dependence 
by proclaimmg the mdivisibility of the legislative power The 
««'i^K7"!f'T'* to be restrained by means of taxation. The 

^^^^1 1r'"*1 "^^ '"'•«^"y ?' P™^°"» ^Po^t^. voted them 
provisionally as long as it continued to sit. a^ their cessation 

r™ nli^l- "lr= V-^^J^^^ *« confidence of capitalists by 

o?T, 1 "?^ ^^ ""'''■" ■''*^*' '^^ P"'"''^^ f" the necessitiii 
01 the people, oy appomting a committee of subsistence 

n.fJir rrtJ' and foresight excited the enthusiasm of the 
nation. But those who directed the court saw that the divisions 
thus excited between the orders had failed in their object; and 
that It was necessary to resort to other means to obtain it Thev 
considered the royal authority alone adequate to prescribe the 
contmuance of the orders, which the op^sition of thTnoble! 

f^ ir, ? °"«^' P"?''?- J^^y ^°°^ advantage of a journey 
to Marly to remove Louis XVI. from the influences of the pru 
dent and pacific comisels of Necl:er. and to induce him to adopt 
hostile measures. This prmce, alike accessible to good and bad 

^nl'!f»^^TT'^•'^ ^y " '°'"* g*^™ "P to P"ty «Pi"t. and 
entreated for the interests of his crown and in the naiie of 
religion to stop the pernicious progress of the commons, yielded 
at last, and promised everything. It was decided that he should 
go m state to the ^sembly, annul its decrees, command the 
k1^ » T ° v**"* f^"^ ^ constitutive of the monarchy, and 

^Lt ^ ^''}°^' ^° ^ ^^"'''^^ ^y the states-general. 
I'rom that moment the privy council held the government, actine 
no longer secretly, but in the most open manner, sientin 

^^^ r^*'"^ ^^^ '^^' •** ™""' <^'^°iS' tlie prince de Cond6 
and the pnnce de Conti conducted alone the projects they had 
concerted. Necker lost aU his influence j he had proposed to the 



The National Assembly 



*7 

king a concjliatory plan, which might have succeeded before the 

bvTil in m^. ,"f '^ "'°'^" "y*' ""'"8- '" '^W* the vote 
hi rJ •"""»""? °! t*"*''"" was to be griited, and the vote 

^i. ml ," '""T i" """""T "' Pri^-"' interest and priviW 
Thu measure, which was unfavourable to the commow sSia 

^noul^ k'^'^u °' "PJ?"/"^ '•>"■■ "''"''tion. would have teS^ 
followed by the establishment of two chambers for th! n!« 
states-general. Necker was fond of half measurs and S 
,hnf,w k' ^y ?"^<=""^* concessions, a political chl«7hich 
should have been accomplished at oncV! The moment w^ 
arrived to grant the nation all its rights, or to leave it ?o tX 
them. His project of a royal sitting, already insuffictn? -Sal 
changed into a stroke of state policy by the new counril T^ 
latter thought that the injunctU 'of C^Z would 'intW 
date the assembly, and that France would be satisfied Zh 
promises of reform. It seemed to be ignoran7that the wwst 
risk royalty can be exposed to is that of disobedience 

Strokes of state policy generally come unexpectedly and 
surprise those they are intended to influence. It «S so w^th 
this ; Its preparations tended to prevent success. Tt wl S 
that the majority of the clergy would recognise the ^S 
by uniting with it; and to prevent so decided a stepTstead 
of hastening the royal sitting, they closed the Salle des Etats tn 
order to suspend the assembly till the day of the shtins The 
preparations rendered necessary by the presence of the kfne ^ 
tlT-.f ^°' this unskilful and improper measure AtVlT 
hT ^f'l'y^'^'.'ded over the assembly. This virtuous cit^n 
h'^rtv h'"' '^■*^°"V'=''""e *»'«'". ""the honours of daS 
hberty He was the first president of the assemblv as ^3 
Btlnvilf fi«t deputy of Paris, and was to become i?s firs mayor 
Beloved by his own party, respected by his adversaries he 
combined with the mildest and most enlightened XtuTs 'the 
Zh.77^^T'X'T "* ''"^y- Apprised'on the nighrof th' 
20 h of June, by the keeper of the seals, of the suspension of the 
sming he remained faithful to the wishes of the TssemWy and 
did not fear disobeying the court. At an appointed hour on the 
following day, he repaired to the Salle des Etats, and findL.an 
armed force in possession, he protested against th s act of 
despotism. In the meantime the deputies arrived, dissau'sfac 

The ZnnH' ^" 'T"^ '^''T'^- '° ^'^'-^ f^^ P="'^ '"ting 
The most indignant proposed going to Marly, and holding the 



28 



The French Revolution 



MKmbly under the window, of the king ; one named the Tenni.- 

^^.;d tw,f '^""°" *?• **" "="'^«'». ""J 'he deputie. 
repaired thither in procession. Bailly was at their head^the 

tm^e^toiX'/^"" *'i^"'"•u.iasm; even soWie™ tlun! 
hT^™ .^S^' ""fl there, m a bare hall, the deputies of 

th!ir .T.°? '-'^'"^ *'*'' "Pr"'"'^ '""«'». '"d hearts full o 
their sacred mission, swore, with only one exception not to 
separate ill they had given France a (institution!^ ' 
Tins so emn oath, taken on the joth of June, in the orescnce 

?ie'remwrstin"r^°!i*''rr^''>'»"™^^^^^^^ 

.1„.KW ^ *'" ^epnved of their usual place of meeting 
unable to make use of the Tennis-court, the princes having h red 
It pujTposely that it might be refused ihem, met in the fhurch 
Im ?n i^""- ,4 1" ?" '"''".S' '^' '""Jority of the clergy jS 
I 't ^t " *^' ?"'^f "' patriotic transports. Thus, the meksurf » 

I .fc taken to intimidate the assembly, increased it, coS™g"and 

accelerated the union they were intended to prevent. Zthese 
two failures the court prefaced the famous sitting of the ajrd of 

han nl'*"h^'l*'V'"''' P'"?- A numerous guard surrounded the 
hall of the states-general, the door of which was opened to the 
depu les, but closed to the public. The king came sSrrou^d^ 

custom, in profound silence. His speech completed the measure 
of discontent by the tone of authority with which he Scteted 
measures rejected by public opinion and by the assembly The 
kmg complained of a want of union, excited by the court itself* 
he censured the conduct of the assembly, remrfing it only m 
the order of the third estate; he annulled its d^efs e^jL^ 
the continuance of the orders, imposed reforms, and detem ned 
th^Jr'^V ^?J°'r«' the states-general to adopt the™ and 

^f^lT^ H° '^" -J'r """" "."'' t° P™^'^* "'""^ for the welfare 
of the kingdom. If he met with more opposition on their part 
After this scene of authority, so ill-suited to the occasion and at 

Xved^ ■?^/h'' r' ^•^''P*"^- The clergy' and nobiliVv 
Sit 'P"i"' °L^^^ P*"?'"*' '""t'onless, silent, and 

indignant, remained seated. They continued in that attitude 

Gentlemen I admit that what you have just heard miL-ht 
be for the welfare of the country, were it not that the presents of 
despotism are always dangerous. What is this insulting dictator- 
ship ? The pomp of arms, the violation of the m 'ionll temple 



The Royal Sitting 



7' ^,?Z.'-hL' 1° ^ '"""T"^ to. ""d given andVecTivelby 
all. But the hbcrty of your discussions is enchained • "mtiit^Z 

Sv« u.,;i, ^"''"«.a'.o" gates? I demand, investine your- 
selves with your dignity, with your legislative tjower'^?™; 
mclose yourselves within the religion of your oath 7t do« no* 
permit you to separate till you have formed a comtitut "on " 
The grand master of the ceremonies, finding the a er^biv did 

" GofnH ?'.f ""^ ""'' '""^'^"^ »hem of theVng's o der^ 
Go and tell your master," cried Mirabeau, " that we ari hers 

l^drruTSLI ^^' •^'""•' ^^' "-"•"« »>"» '"^ "yonet 

^Kt^^lfthl^rtTa-rri^ 

^''0,'rlr k' ^"" P'''"^'^ fr""- ^he monar h to the a'embly 
TTiose who, by their counsels, had provoked this resistoncrdS 

eason of popularity. By this refusal hf became the aHv of 
the assembly which determined to support him Ever^!;i,^^ 
requires a leader whose name becomes the stand^;d of hi7pa v 
Sr "'"'"""^ """''""^"^ ""•' '''' '°^^> that leadfr was 

Itself compelled to invite the nobility, and a minority of tte 



3° 



The French Revolution 



dernr, to ducontinue a dissent that would henceforth be useless, 
un the 27th o{ June the deUberation became general. The 
orders ceased to exist legally, and soon dbapljeared l^e 
distmct seats they had hitherto occupied in the'^^^^on haU 
soon became confounded; the futile pre-eminences of rwk 
vanished before national authority. 

The court, after having vainly endeavoured to prevent the 
lormation of the Msembly, could now only unite with it, to direct 
™™P*!f -i""'- With prudence and candour it might itill have 
repaired its errors and caused its attacks to be forgotten. At 
certoin moments, the initiative may be taken in miking sacri- 

f^'ri ?K^'"' f 'i""' ="" ^^ ''°°« i^ to -"^e a merit of 
acceptmg them At the opening of the states-general, the king 
might himself have made the constitution, now he wm oblieed 
to receive it from the assembly; had he submitted to tLt 
position, he would infallibly have improved it. But the advisers 
of Louis Xyi when they recovered from the first surprise of 
fh^fh'I^^i^"!^? recourse to the use of the bayonet, after 
they tad failed in that of authority. They led the king to sup- 
pose that the contempt of his orders, the safety of his throne, 
the maintenance of the laws of the kingdom, and even the well- 
being of his people depended on his reducing the assemblv to 
submission; that the latter, sitting at Versailles, close to P^ris, 
two aties decidedly in its favour, ought to be subdued by force 
arid removed to some other place or dissolved ; that it was urgent 
that this resolution should be adopted in order to stop the pro- 
gress of the assembly, and that in order to execute it, it was 
necessary speedily to call together troops who might intimidate 
the assembly and maintain order at Paris and Versailles. 
h.!!n'!J^*'? plots were hatching, the deputies of the nation 
began theu- legislauve labours, and prepared the anxiouslv 
expected constitution, which they considered they ought nb 
longer to delay. Addresses poured in from Paris and the princi- 
pal towns of the kingdom, congratulating them on their wisdom 
Fri^»'°Th^"/ *''"" *° '="?''""'= ^^^" task of regenerating 
vl^nni J'Pl' "^^"'""e' arrived in great numbers! 

Versailles assumed the aspect of a camp; the Salle des Etats 
was surrounded by guards, and the citizens refused admission. 
Pans was also encompassed by various bodies of the army, ready 
to besiege or blockade it, as the occasion might require These 
vast military preparations, trains of artillery arriving from the 
frontiers, and the presence of foreign regiments, whose obedience 
was unhmited, announced smister projects. The populace were 



Intrigues of the Court 



3' 

Jhronl' "^t ''^''""^' ■ "•* *''* ^''""•''y 'J'^'i^ed to enlighten the 
TuW^a fii Jf'f •*"" » suggestion, it presented on the 9th of 

usd^^ Z^XvTT^^ 'i'^T' 1° '^' ^^«' ^hich proved 
useless. Lauis XVI. declared that he alone had to iudee the 

tha1''thL°* assembling or dismissing troops, and assu ed tf.em 
nr^v.n^T.^u™""' '°""*'* ""^y a precautionary army To 
offered the assembly to remove it to Noyon or Soissons, that " 

Tu^^A Of tt'Xle.'^^"" '^° ""'" ""^ '^^"^* ■' »' ^« 

Paris was in the greatest excitement; this vast citv was 

unanimous m its devotion to the assembly. Thf perik^thS 

scarcity of food disposed it to insurrection. Capitalists from 

lEmTdHl^/''" l''^™Pt'=y; »en of enligStetient 3 
aU the middle dieses, from patriotism; the people, impeUed by 
want, ascribing their sufferings to the privileged clLses^d the 
court, desirous of agitation and change! aU had wSy espoused 
^LTVl '5- ■■"^"'•itio"- It « difficult to con^iSov^ 
ment which disturbed the capital of France. It was Sg 
from the repose and silence of servitude; it was, as it were 
astonished at the novelty of its situation, 'and intoxicated wkh 
Uterty and enthusiasm The press excited the pubtrj^d 

e^ht7?rP*'K,P"'''^''"' ** ^''^"^ °f the assemMy^rd 
enabled the public to be present, as it were, at its deliberatim^^ 

2 tMT'°^ """"*" ^ '*^ ^"'^ ""<= discussed iL the r^' 
air, in the public squares. It was at the Palais Roval more 
especially, that the assembly of the capital was heW ^e 
^den was always filled by a crowd that seemel pl^m 
though contmuaUy renewed. A table answered the pur^e of 
^'rtbunr the first citizen at hand became the orator?tiiere 
men expatiated on the dangers that threatened the ciuX 
and excited each other to resistance. Already, on a mS 
made at the Palais Royal, the prisons of the Ihb^ye had C 
W ^''^"' ^"^ 'r" Sr^'^'^i^rs of the French ^ards who- 
had been mipnsoned for refusing to fire on the peoSle rele^ed 
m triumph, p^ outbreak was attended by no consequents 
a deputation had already solicited, in behalf of the deUvered 

Serto"tii!'l"*'=''"' °f *f .'"^^-Wy, who had reco« d 
«nH^«2 demency of the kmg. They had returned to prison 
and had received pydon. But this regiment, one of the mostcom- 
plete and bravest, had become favourable the popuZc^^ 



32 The French Revolution 

«t!h?.K!^.^' disposition of Paris when the court, havine 
estabhshed troops at VenaiUes, «vres, the Champ de Itof 
and Saint Denis thought itseU able to execute its project It 

^nZfi"^"^' w"^" "*^ "* J"'y' ^y the banishmmS^NWr 
and the complete reconstruction of the ministry. The mS 
de Broghe la Galissonniire, the duke de l7vm^^ 

to'renlat p'^"' ' ""«^ ^^ ^•*^"'^*»' F°"'<»>' we.'^'a^^inted 
NeSe^ rWr- "°".""°™. Jf Luzerne, Saint Pr^^.^d 
Necker. The latter received, while at dinner on the iiih of 

mimediately. He finshed dining very calmlv withnntTnm 

T^^l^ *' P-'^^".^ '"^ °^'« h^hSi;ed a^dZ" 
got into his cmiage with Madame Necker, as if iniendUie to 

'^'Z ? ^'S' ^^'' '^ ^°°^ *e road to Bms^els ^ 

th» »f. foUowmg day, Sunday, the 12th of July, about four in 
^%^r"Z'- ^''^''' ^^'"'' "^^ departure became CZ 
nL T- " ™^^T ""^ '■^Sarded as the execution of t^ 
a short't^?T'T ^°' "'^'^^'^ '° '°"g been observed In 
Lh^^H ? t '"^ ""^ '" the greatest confusion; crowds 
gathered together on every sde; more than fa.n th^.^^ 
^rsons flocked to the Pala^ Roykl aUaffected S' t^t Xs 

rl^^l n*"^«' ''"' °°' '^"^S *hat measure To adop?' 
Oimlle Desmoulms, a young man, more daring than ^rrest 
one of the usual orators of the crowd, mounted on a table pLtol 
m hand exclaammg: " Citizens, there is no time to lo^^? the 
dismissal of Necker is the kneU of a Saint Bartholome; for 

wm leave the Champ de Mars to massacre us all: one resource 
^ left; to take arms ! " These words were receiv^drthTokS 
acckmations. He proposed that cockades should be worn for 
mutual recognition and protection. "Shall they be^Ten"' 
he cried, the co our of hope; or red, the colour of L freSr 

?L5?fT'"f :57*°' green!" shouted the mutoude 
^l fPff^" des'^ended from the table, and fastened the sprS 
of a tree m his hat. Every one imitated him. TTie chestoui? 
.trees of the palace were ahnost stripped of their leaves Imd the 
crowd went m tmnult to the house of the sculptor cS 

TTiey take busts of Necker and the duke of Orleans, Treport 
havmg also gone abroad that the latter would be exiled wd 
covermg them with crape, carry them in triumph. So^s 
sion passes through the Rues Saint Martin, Saint Dent l^d 
Samt Honors, augmenting at every step. The crowd ob^^ 
they meet to take off their hats. Meeting the hSsTpa^^^^ 



Insurrection of Paris 



33 

take th«n as their escort. The procession advances in this way 
to the Place Vendome, and there they carry the two busts twice 
round the statue of Louis XIV. A detachment of the Royal- 
aUemand comes up and attempts to disperse the mob, but are 
put to fljght by a shower of stones; and the multitude, continu- 
mg Its course, reaches the Place Louis XV. Here they are 
assailed by the dragoons of the prince de Lambes:; after resist- 
mg a few moments they are thrown into confusion; the bearer 
l;?°I "^ *«.''"sts and a soldier of one of the French guards are 
killed. TJe mob disperses, part towards the quays, part fall 
back mi the Boulevards, the rest hurry to the Tuileriesby the 
Pont Toumant. The prince de Umbesc, at the head of his 
horsemen, with drawn sabre pursues them into the gardens, and 
charges an unarmed multitude who were peaceably promenading 
and had nothmg to do with the procession. In this attack an 
old m^ is wounded by a sabre cut; the mob defend themselves 
with the seats, and rush to the terraces; indignation ' ecomes 
general; the cry To arms/ soon resounds on every side, at the 
Palais Royal and the TuUeries, in the city and in the faubourgs 
We have ateady said that the regiment of the French gu^d 
was favourably disposed towards the people: it had accordingly 
been ordered to keep in barracks. The prince de LambSc 
feanng that it might nevertheless take an active part, ordered 
sixty dragoons to station themselves before its depot, situated 
m the Chaussfe-d'Antin. The soldiers of the guards, alreadv 
dissatisfied at bemg kept as prisoners, were greatly provoked 
a.t the sight of these strangers, with whom they had had a 
skirmish a few days before. They wished to fly to arms, and 
tiieir officers usmg alternately threats and entreaties, had much 
difficulty m restraining them. But they would hear no more 
when some of their men brought them intelligence of the attack 
at the Tuilenes, and the death of one of their comrades: they 
seized their arms, broke open the gates, and drew up in battle 
array at the entrance of the barracks, and cried out, " Qui vive ? " 
— Royal-allemand."— " Are you for the third estate ? " "We 
are for those who command us." Then the French guards fired 
on them, killed two of their men, wounded three, and put the 
rest to flight. They then advanced at quick time and with fixed 
Wonets to the Place Louis XV. and took their stand between 
the Tuilenes and the Champs Elys^es, the people and the troops, 
and kept that post during the night. The soldiers of the ChaTp 
de Mm were immediately ordered to advance. When they 
reached the Champs Elys&s, the French guards received them 

» 



34 



The French Revolution 



with discharges of musketry. They wished to make them fieht 
but they refused: the Petite-Suisses were the first to give this 
example, which the other regiments followed. The officers 
in despair, ordered a retreat; the troops retired as far as the 
Grille de ChaiUot, whence they soon withdrew into the Champ 
de Mars. The defection of the French guard, and the manifest 
refusal even of the foreign troops to march on the capital, caused 
the failure of the projects of the court. 

During the evening the people had repaired to the H6tel de 
Ville, and requested that the tocsin might be sounded, the 
districts assembled, and the citizens armed. Some electors 
assembled at the Hotel de Ville, and took the authority into their 
own hands. They rendered great service to their fellow-citizens 
and the cause of hberty by their courage, prudence, and activity, 
during these days of insurrection; but in the first confusion of 
the rising it was with difficulty they succeeded in making them- 
selves heard. The tumult was at its height ; each only answered 
the dictates of his own passions. Side by side with well-disposed 
citizens were men of suspicious character, who only sought in 
msurrection opportunities for pillage and disorder. Bands of 
labourers employed by government in the public works, for the 
most part without home or substance, burnt the barriers, in- 
fested the streets, plundered houses, and obtained the name of 
brigands. The night of the izth and 13th was spent in tumult 
and alarm. 

The departure of Necker, which threw the capital into this 
state of excitement, had no less effect at Versailles and in the 
assembly. It caused the same astonishment and discontent 
The deputies repaired early in the morning to the Sa. j des 
Etats; they were gloomy, but their silence arose from indigna- 
tion rather than dejection. " At the opening of the session " 
said a deputy, " several addresses of adherence to the decrees 
were listened to in mournful silence by the assembly, more 
attentive to their own thoughts than to the addresses read." 
Mounier began; he exclaimed against the dismissal of ministers 
beloved by the nation, and the choice of their successors. He 
proposed an address to the king demanding their recall, showing 
him the dangers attendant on violent measures, the misfortunes 
that would follow the employment of troops, and telling him 
that the assembly solemnly opposed itself to an infamous 
national bankruptcy. At these words, the feelings of the 
assembly, hitherto restrained, broke out in clapping of hands 
and cries of approbation. Lally-Tollendal, a friend of Necker' 



Insurrection of Paris 



let us tighten our mmnal ^n^' "' "^^ ^''^ constitution; 

consecrat'e Z ZiZtc^:t\^:\ZT^' ™f ™' ?"«• 

m the celebrated resolutLT4 on the ^A^J""'' ''* "* ^1" 
Let us all ves all oil ti,^ „•. j f *°^" "■ ™e same month. 

to those i^.rtrioud^i*sXh "'''""' r" '° ^ '"*'^"' 
dom." " rAr.o^<f/!Sjr.W A ^"^ ^"""^ ^^^« the king- 
added the iucd~So;^cfufd X'lfZ-"' """■ ".'"' " <"" 
still more confirmed XnZriiL ?«* *^" ""^nmiity became 

ensued the buS o7^e ba,^er?h ^""'kJ^" ««''^' ^''•'^h 
at the Hdtel de ViUe tht rn^, "' ^''^.^f mblmg of the electors 

that citize^ we^ ready ITtZl !? V'^^'' "^^ **»« f""^* 
slaughter each oth.r fi be attacked by the soldiers or to 

president of the assembly was at ks hl^H '^*'"'''»P "* Vienne, 
«-«■ ran* ,fej, m.>A/ fe- it^u^l „ ^a ™'«^e"0". »/«-*«/- 



36 



The French Revolutfon 



debt under the safeguard of French honour, and adhered to all 
its previous decrees. After these measures, it adopted a last 
one, not 1ms necessary; apprehending that the Salle des Etats 
might, during the night, be occupied by a miUtary force for the 
purpose of dispersing the assembly, it resolved to sit permanently 
till further orders. It decided that a portion of the members 
should sit during the night, and another relieve them earlv in 
the mpming. To spare the venerable archbishop of Vienne 
the fatigue of a permanent presidency, a vice-president was 
appointed to supply his place on these extraordinary occasions. 
Lafayette was elected to preside over the night sittings. It 
passed off without a debate; the deputies remaining in their 
seats, observing silence, but apparently calm and serene. It was 
by these measures, this expression of pubUc regret, by these 
decrees, this unanimous enthusiasm, this sustained good sense, 
this inflexible conduct, that the assembly rose gradually to a 
level with its dangers and its mission. 

On the 13th the insurrection took at Paris a more regular 
character. Early in the morning the populace flocked to the 
H6tel de Ville; the tocsin was sounded there and in all the 
churches; and drums were beat in the streets to call the citizens 
together. The public places soon became th'onged. Troops 
were formed under the titles of volunteers of the Palais Royal, 
volunteers of the Tuileries, of the Basoche, and of the Arquebuse. 
The districts assembled, and each of them voted two hundred men 
for its defence. Arms alone were wanting; and these were 
eagerly sought wherever there was any hope of finding them. All 
that could be found at the gun-smiths and sword-cutlers were 
taken, receipts being sent to the owners. They applied for arms 
at the Hotel de Ville. The electors who were still assembled, 
replied in vain that they had none ; they insisted on having them. 
The electors then sent the head of the city, M. de Flesselles, the 
Preyot dei marchands, who alone knew the military state of the 
capital, a..d whose popular authority promised tc be of great 
assistance in this difficult conjuncture. He was received with 
loud applause by the multitude: " My friends," said he, "/ 
am your father ; you shall be satisfied." A permanent committee 
was formed at the H6tel de Ville, to take measures for the general 
safety. 

About the same time it was announced that the Maison des 
Lazaristes, which contained a large quantity of grain, had been 
despoiled; that the Garde-Meuble had been forced open to 
obtain old arms, and that the gun-smiths' shops had been 



Formation of National Guard '^^y 

of citizens. In ?ess tUfour h« i°' organizing a militia 
discussed, adopted nriZdanH^"i^'' ^i"" ''^ "^^^ "P. 
that the ParX g;,KouM tiS S;lr;'^-H ^* was. resolve^d 
to forty-eight thouVwd men An v °"'*r'' ** increased 

their ^n^; eveH^trirt ha^trh^rr"""' '"^"*'' *» «»"" 
its leaders; the cSiS of thi, f battahon; every battalion 

totheducd■Aumo™or^L,vlHT"''.°^'="''^'" ^"^ "ff^^'d 
In the meantimrtL'.rqKt sX'^i?: '""^" *° ''^«''«- 
in command. The erWcor-LA. »» *i ^ fPPO'nted second 

andredone,whfchSh:Sj"ttci:f W-"""r 
work of a few hours Th- j- 1^ • . "5^' ^"- ^^ ''as the 

measures adoptedty tS^ JS.IIf.n.^^' "^^^ ^"="' t° the 
oftheafitelet,tho^VthepXrr^-''T""*^'^- ^he clerks 
the watch, and wto waL rfftfll ' ?''*"f*"''''°^^ 
guards offered theTr^r^^™s?ottn^'*M'■ ^1""' *•«= ^""^h 
be formed, and to l^Si::.^^^^''^- ^'"'"^'^ ^^ ^o 

when they heard of Tatte^nt t„ "^''' '^'^ ^"^ '^'^J^d 
nearly fifty cwt. of p^def wWch h.^T''' "^"''^^ ^'°'^ ^^^s 
people at\e barrfers BuT J^n i^'" mtercepted by the 
labelled AmierT At' M 'TJ^ i.'*'' ^""^ ^^^^ a"-ived, 
the cases were escorted to h/^-.', *% cr?"*'"" subsided 

that.they contSSfhe°g^'^"Scfed fr^m"k'''?«=,7^^^^ 
opening them, they were found 5^„„l • T CharleviUe. On 

of wo^. A (W of t^iS,.^ "**■" °''* '■"«" and pieces 

A cry Of treachery arose on every side, mingled with 



38 



The French Revolution 



murmun and threats against the committee and the provost 
of the merchanu. The latter apologized, dedaring he had been 
deceived ; and to gain time, or to get rid of the crowd, sent them 
to the Chartreux, to seek for arms. Finding none there, the 
mob returned, enraged and mistrustful. The committee then 
felt satisfied there was no other way of arming Paris, and 
curing the suspicions of the people, than by forging pikes; 
and accordingly gave orders that fifty thousand should be made 
immediately. To avoid the excesses of the preceding night, 
the town was illuminated, and patrols marched through it in 
every direction. 

The next day, the people that had been unable to obtain arms 
on the preceding day, came early in the morning to solicit some 
from the committee, blaming its refusal and failures of the day 
before. The committee had sent for some in vain; none had 
arrived from Charleville, none were to be found at the Chartreux, 
and the arsenal itself was empty. 

The mob, no longer satisfied with excuses, and more convinced 
than ever that they were betrayed, hurried in a mass to the 
H6tel des Invalides, which contained a considerable dep6t of 
arms. It displayed no fear of the troops established in the 
Champ de Mars, broke into the H6tel, in spite of the entreaties 
of the governor, M. de Sombreuil, found twenty-eight thousand 
guns concealed in the cellars, seized them, took all the sabres, 
swords, and cannon, and carried them off in triumph. The 
cannon were placed at the entrance of the Faubourgs, at the 
palace of the Tuileries, on the quays and on the bridges, for the 
defence of the capital against the invasion of troops, which was 
expected every moment. 

Even during the same morning an alarm was given that the 
regiments stationed at Saint Denis were on the march, and that 
the cannon of the Bastille were pointed on the Rue Saint Antoine. 
The committee immediately sent to ascertain the truth; ap- 
pointed bands of citizens to defend that side of the town, and 
sent a deputation to the governor of the Bastille, soliciting him 
to withdraw his cannon and engage in no act of hostility. This 
alarm, together with the dread which that fortress insp^ed, the 
hatred felt for the abuses it shielded, the importance of possess- 
ing so prominent a point, and of not leaving it in the power of the 
enemy ina moment of insurrection, drew the attention of the 
populace in that direction. From nine in the morning till two, 
the only rallying word throughout Paris was "i la Bastille! 
ft la Bastille!" The citizens hastened thither in bands from 



The Bastille Attacked 



39 

reaUy as satisfacto^ fn^SI% ^^^T"" '^ '** condition was 

Sr rth 1*'/'^ "^T^.'""* to a« « fc'SJ^ oTt": 



40 



The French Revolution 



bridge, the approach to which was defended by a ceaseless fire 
from the fortress. The mob infuriated by this obstinate resist- 
ance, tried to break in the gates with hatchett, and to set fire to 
the guard-house. A murderous discharge of grapeshot proceeded 
from the garrison, and many of the besiegers were killed and 
wounded. They only became the more determined, and 
seconded by the daring and determination of the two brave men, 
Elie and Hulin, who were at their head, they continued the 
attack with fury. 

The committee of the Hdtel de Ville were in a state of great 
anxiety. The siege of the Bastille seemed to them a very rash 
enterprise. They ever and anon received intelligence of the 
disasters that had taken place before the fortress. They 
wavered between fear of the troops should they prove victorious, 
and that of the multitude who clamoured for ammunition to 
continue the siege. As they could not give what they did not 
possess, the mob cried treachery. Two deputations had been 
sent by the committee for the purpose of discontinuing hostilities, 
and inviting the governor to confide the keeping of the place 
to the citizens; but in the midst of the tumult, the cries, and the 
firing, they could not make thenuelves heard. A third was sent, 
carrying a drum and banner, that it might be more easily dis- 
tinguished, but it experienced no better fortune: neither side 
would Usten to anything. The assembly at the Hdtel de Ville, 
notwithstanding it efforts and activity, still incurred the sus- 
picions of the populace. The provost of the merchants, especi- 
ally, excited the greatest mistrust. " He has aheady deceived 
lis several times during the day," said one. " He talks," said 
another, " of opening a trench; he only wants to gain time, to 
make us lose ours." Then an old man cried: "Comrades why 
do you listen to traitors? Forward, follow me ! In less than 
two hours the Bastille will be taken ! " 

The siege had lasted more than four hours when the French 
guards arrived with cannon. Their arrival changed the appear- 
ance of the combat. The garrison itself begged the governor to 
yield. The unfor' nate De Launay, dreading the fate that 
awaited him, wishtu to blow up the fortress, and bury himself 
imder its ruins and those of the faubourg. He went in despair 
towards the powder magazine, with a lighted match. The 
garrison stopped him, raised a white standard on the platform 
and reversed the guns, in token of peace. But the assailants 
still continued to fight and advance, shouting, "Lower the 
bridges!" Through the battlements a Swiss officer proposed 



Surrender of the Bastille 



and the crowd rushed into the ttr Thn.. k"',"?"?*' 

wa, pale and aritater Th. k?^**'/*.''" P"''''"": he 
&r"' °.^ "''«"' ^- a«emb!eT""'l^tTm 'c;,:e"le? 

BastiS; whWis an^^ct '5^rv\l!L' r'^"'™" ^ 
the hall with the most nofey and^f ^rtTi^VZn'"''-!?' 
persons who had most distinguished t^mel^T^P- ^I 
m tnumph, crowned with laurels. nty^e^J^u"^""^ 

h'aT wralSdf or' '""' ^^"^"-'r'dthtvSl'ed 
n^ing" heloring yt^Sh^Vfey^^^^^^^'i, '"'^ 



42 



The French Revolution 



" No quarter for the firiionen I No quarter for the men who 
fired on their fellow-citixeni I " La Salle, the commandant, the 
elector Moreau de Saint-IUry, and the brave Elie, succeeded in 
appealing me multitude, and obtained a general amnesty. 

It was now the turn of the unfortunate Flesaelles. It is said 
that a letter found on De Launay poved the treachery of which 
he was suspected. " I am amusmg the Parisians," he wrote, 
" with cockades and promises. Hold out till the evening, and 
you shall be reinforced." The mob hurried to his office. The 
more moderate demanded that he should be arrested and 
confined in the ChAtelet; but others opposed this, saying that 
he should be conveyed to the Palais-Royal, and there tried. 
This decision gave general satisfaction. "To the Palais- 
Royal 1 To the Palan-Royal I " resounded from every side. 
" Well — be it so, gentlemen," replied Flesselles, with composure, 
" let us go to the Palais-Royal." So saying, he descended the 
steps, passed through the crowd, which opened to make way 
for him, and which followed without offering him any violence. 
But at the comer of the Quay Pelletier a stranger rushed forward, 
and killed him with a pistol-shot. 

After these scenes of war, tumult, dispute, and vengeance, the 
Parisians, fearing, from some intercepted letters, that an attack 
would be made during the night, prepared to receive the enemy. 
The whole population joined m the labour of fortifying the town; 
they formed barricades, opened intrenchments, unpaved streets, 
forged pikes, and cast bullets. Women carried stones to the 
top* of the houses to crush the soldiers as they passed. The 
national guard were distributed in posts; Paris seemed changed 
into an immense foundry and a vast camp, and the whole night 
vas spent imder arms, expecting the conflict. 

While the insurrection assumed this violent, permanent, and 
serious character at Paris, what was doing at Versailles? llie 
court was preparing to realize its designs against the capital 
and assembly. The night of the 14th was fixed upon for their 
execution. The baron de Breteuil, who was at the head of the 
ministry, had promised to restore the royal authority in three 
days. Marshal de Broglie, commander of the army collected 
around Paris, had received unlimited powers of all kinds. On 
the 15th the declaration of the 33rd of June was to be renewed, 
and the king, after forcing the assembly to adopt it, was to 
dissolve it. Forty thousand copies of this declaration were in 
readiness to be circulated throughout the kingdom; and to meet 
the pressing necessities of the treasury more^than a hundred 



Meeting of the Assembly 43 

miUioni of paper money WM awited. The movement in Pwii 
»o far from thwartmg the court, favoured its view.. To the' 
lait moment it looked upon it ai a pauing tumult that miaht 
e«fly be .uppre««d; it Gieved i^iihtr uTit, p,r^Z^„ 

rW~„ "^' "f* " **"' "»' •*'•» P"«"« t" •^t»»t • town of 
citueni could resut an anny. 

The auembly wa> apprised of these projecu. For two days 
ll.^ ••' "'""^t murruption, in a sute of great anxiety and 
atarm. It was ignorant of the greater portion of what was 
pwsmg in Paris. At one time it was announced that the 
insurrection was general, and that aU Paris was marching on 
VersaiUes; then that the troops were advancing on the capital, 
njey fancied they heard cannon, and they pkced their em to 
Uie ground to assure themselves. On the evening of the X4th 
it was announced that the king intended to depart during tiie 
night, and that the assembly would be left to the mercyTf the 
foreign regiments. This last aUrm was not without founda- 
tion. A carnage and horses were kept in readiness, and the 
body-guard remamed booted for several days. Besides, at the 
Orangeij, mcidenu truly alarming took place; the trooM were 
prepared wd stimulated for their expedition by distributions 
of wine and by encouragements. Everything announced that a 
decisive moment had arrived. 

Despite the approaching and increasing danger, the assembly 
was unshaken, and persisted in its first resolutions. Mirabeau 
who had first required the dismissal of the troops, now arranRed 
another deputation. It was on the point of setting out, whenthe 
viscount de NoaiUes, a deputy, just arrived from Paris, informed 
the assembly of the progress of the insurrection, the pillage of 

B««il!. w-' */ *™""f °^** P*°P'*' ""d '•>« sieged the 
Bastille. Wimpfen, another deputy, to this account added that 
of the persona^ dangers he had mcurred, and assured them that 
tne Jury of the populace was increasing with its peril. The 
assembly proposed the establishment of couriers to brine them 
mtelligence every half hour. 

M.M. Ganilh and Bancal-des-Issarta, despatched by the com- 
mittee at the Hotel de ViUe as a deputatirai to the assembly 
«mfirmed aU they had just heard. They informed them of the 
measures taken by the electors to secure order and the defence of 
tne capital; the daasters that had happened before the Bastille: 
.hLTk ! ^u°^r*''* 1«P"t«'ons sent to the governor, and told 
liXI ,*?"* ^7 "* ** S*™"" ^^ surrounded the fortress 
witn the slam. A cry of mdignation arose in the assembh- at 



44 The French Revolution 

this mteUigenoe, and a second deputation was instanUy de- 
X.^» to cominuniate these distressing tidings to the king, 
to a^ni.C™^ 't^ ^ ""f'tisfacto.^answer; it was^ 
^hil ^ A . *""«' °," ''""'"8 *«5e disastrous events, 
wh ch seemed to presage others still greater, appeared affected 
Stru^lmg agamst the part he had been induSd to adopt, he 

fi^thl^H ^^'r^'^'-'T"." "^^ °>y >^«art more and more 
by the dreadful news you brmg of the misfortunes of Paris It 
^mipossible to suppose that the orders given to the troops are 
the cause of these disasters. You are acquainted with the 
ShT-.""^"^ *° *' *"^ deputation; I have nothing to 
nf fhl rh;». ^'^f^^'f ^e^l-^ted of a Promise that the troops 
of the Champ de Mars should be sent away from Paris, and of an 
order given to general officers to assume the command of the 
guard of citizens. Such measures were not sufficient to remedy 
the dangerous situation in which men were placed: and it 
neitiier satisfied nor gave confidence to the assembly 

Shortly after this, the deputies d'Ormesson and Duport 
^♦Z^^n T^ assembly the taking of the Bastille, and the 
deatiis of De Launay and FlesseUes. It was proposed to send a 

^K N°V.^"<^. Clermont Tonnerre, "leave them the 
mght to consult m; kings must buy experience as well as other 
men. In this way the assembly spent the night. On the 
foUowmg mommg, another deputation was appointed to 
represent to the kmg the misfortunes that would foU^ a longer 

"t ni,- ^t" °" \^^ P°'"* °* ^^^■"e' Mirabeau stopped it: 
lell hun, he exclaimed, " that the hordes of strangers who 
invest us, received yesterday, visits, caresses, exhortations, 
and presents from the prmces, princesses, and favourites; tel 
him that, durmg the night, these foreign sateUites, gorged with 
gold and wme, predicted in their impious songs the subjection 
of France and invoked the destruction of the national assembly 
tell him, that m his own palace, courtiers danced to the sound of 
that barbarous music, and that such was the prelude to the 
massacre of Saint Bartholomew! Tell him that the Henry 
of his ancestors, whom he wished to take as his model, whose 

ParT^- ^rr'u ^y ?" 'L*'^""'' '"="' provisions into a 
raris m revolt when besieging the city himself, while the savage 
advisers of Louis send away the com which trade brings into 
Pans loyal and starving." ' 

But at that moment the king entered the assembly. The duke 
«le Liancourt, taking advantage of the access his quality of master 



The King and the Assembly 45 

of the robes gave him, had infomed the king, during the nieht 
o ^ ter °i*\^rench guard, and of dfe attack^a^d Xg' 
hiJ??n^ ^- \^^ "*"^' "^ ^l"'* his councillors hadkep? 
hi rev^ r^% ' ""^"^ exclaimed, with surprise. « tlL 
B a revolt! No sire 1 :t is a revolution." This excellent 

citizen had represented to him the danger to which the projecU 

t^ ^^^J""^^- ^' 'h' ^"'^ «"d exasperationi^M^X 
people, the disaffection of the troops, and he determined ui^n 
presentmg himself before the assembly, to satisfyTiem as^o 
his mtentions. Hie news at first excited tran portHf oy 
toabeau represented to his coUeagues, that it vL not fit to 
mdulge m premature applause. " Let us wait," said he "m 
^majesty makes known the good intentions we are led to 
expect from hmi ITie blood of our brethren flows in Par,* 
Let a sad respect be the first reception given to the king bv the 
representatives of an unfortmiate people: the sSof'^the 
people is the lesson of kings." ^ 

lof^l'r*- ""^'^ "'T'"'^'^ *''' "'""'"■« demeanour which had never 
le t It durmg the three preceding days. The king entered ^^- 

.mVi^i' P"^"^"""^ '?'«»<:«; but when he told them he was one 
T^-^ TT'J^^. ^^}' '"'>''"8 "° '•>= 'ove and fidelity ?fW. 
subjects, he had ordered the troops to leave Paris and Versai iS ■ 
when he uttered the affecting lor^-Eh Men, ll^^^i 
me fie a vous, general applause ensued. Tlie assembly arose 
spontaneous y, and conducted him back to the chateau 
».,. *i" ^2*"'^^*^'*"^'* g'«'^°^ss in VersaiUes and Paris 

IL^^cl r^"?? ^Pl^ ^^^' ^y '""J'^«" transition, from 
a^mosity to gratitude. Louis XVL thus restored to himself 
felt the importance of appeasing the capital in person, of re^in- 
mg Jie affection of the people, and of thus conciliating the 
r^^n^T""- ^I """^unced to the assembly that he would 
recaU Nedcer, and repau- to Paris the foUo^ng day. The 
assembly had already nominated a deputation of a hundred 
members, which preceded the king to the capital. It was 
received with enthusiasm. BaiUy and Lafayette, who formed 
part of it were apjKimted, the former mayor of Paris, the latter 
commander-in-chief of the citizen guard. BaiUy owed tWs 
recompense to his long and difficult presidency of the assembly 
^vTT^I^^ *" *",' S'°"°"* ^<^ patriotic conduct. A friend 
of Washington and one of the principal authors of American 
independence, he had, on his return to his country, first p?o 
nounced the name of the states-general, had joined the assembly 



46 



The French Revolution 



with the minority of the nobiUty.. and had since proved himself 
one of the most zealous partisans of the revolution. 

On the 27th, the new magistrates went to receive the king at 
the head of the municipality and the Parisian guard. " sSe," 
said BaiUy " I bnng your majesty the keys of your good town 
01 Fans; they are the same which were presented to Henr>- IV • 
he had regamed his people; now the people have regained their 
king. From the Place Louis XV. to the Hdtel de ViUe, the 
kmg passed through a double line of the national guard, placed 
m ranks three or four deep, and armed with guns, pikes, lances, 
scj^es, and staves. Their countenances were still gloomy 
and no ay was heard but the oft-repeated shout of "Vive la 
Nation! But when Louis XVL had left his carriage and 
received from Bailly's hands the tri-coloured cockade, and, 
surrounded bv the crowd without guards, had confidently 
entered the Hotel de ViUe, cries of " Vive le Roi! " burst forth 
on every side. The reconciliation was complete; Louis XVI 
received the strongest marks of affection. After approving the 
choice of the people with respect to the new magUtratel, he 
returned to Versailles, where some anxiety was entertained as 
to the success of his journey, on account of the preceding 
doubles. The national assembly met him in the Avenue de 
Pans; it accompamed him as far as the chateau, where the 
queen and her children ran to his arms. 

The ministers opposed to the revolution, and all the authors 
of the unsuccessful projects, retired from court. The count 
d Artois and his two sons, the prince de Cond^, the prince de 
Conti, and the Polignac family, accompanied by a numerous 
torn, left France. They settled at Turin, where the count 
d Artois and the pnnce de Cond« were soon joined by Calonne 
who became their agent. Thus began the first emigration 
1 he emigrant pnnces were not long in exciting civil war in the 
kingdom, and forming an European coalition against France 

Necker returned in triumph. This was the finest moment of 
his life; few men have had such. The minister of the nation, 
dis^aced for it, and recalled for it, he was welcomed along the 
road from Bile to Pans, with every expression of public gratitude 
and joy. His entry into Paris was a day of festivity. But the 
day that raised his popularity to its height put a term to it 
The multitude, still enraged against all who had participated 
m the project of the 14th of July, had put to death, with relent- 
^ss cruelty, Foulon, the intended minister, and his nephew, 
Berthier. Indignant at these executions, fearins; that others 



The Return of Nccker 47 

might fall victims, and especially desirous of saving the baron 
de Besenval, commander of the army of Paris, under marshal de 
Brogiie, and defamed prisoner, Necker demanded a general 
amneity and obtamed it from the assembly of electors. This 
step was very imprudent, in a moment of enthusiasm and mis- 
trust. Necker did not know the people ; he was not aware how 
easily aiey suspect their chiefs and destroy their idols. They 
thought he wished to protect their enemies from the punishment 
they had mcurred; the districts assembled, the legality of an 
amnesty pronounced by an unauthorised assembly was violently 
attacked, and the electors themselves revoked it. No doubt 
It was advisable to cahn the rage of the people, and recommend 
them to be merciful; but instead of demanding the liberation 
of the accused, the application should have been for a tribunal 
which would have removed them from the murderous juris- 
diction cf the multitude. In certain cases that which appears 
most humane is not really so. Necker, without gaining any- 
thing, exated the people against himself, and the districts 
against tie electors; from that time he began to contend against 
the revolution, of which, because he had been for a moment its 
hero, he hoped to become the master. But an individual is of 
sUght importance dunng a revolution which raises the masses- 
that vast movement either drags him on with it, or tramples 
mm unuer foot; he must either precede or succumb. At no 
time IS the subordination of men to circumstances more clearly 
manifested: revolutions employ many leaders, and when thev 
submit, It IS to one alone. 

The consequences of the 14th of July were immense. The 
movement of Pans communicated itself to the provinces- the 
country population, imitating that of the capital, organized 
Itself m all directions into municipalities for purposes of self- 
government; and into bodies of national guards for self-defence 
Authority and force became wholly displaced; royalty had lost 
them by its defeat, the nation had acquired them. The new 
magistrates were alone powerful, alone obeyed; their prede- 
cessors were altogether mistrusted. In towns, the people rose 
against them and against the privileged classes, whom they 
naturally supposed enemies to the change that had been effected 
in the country, the chateaux were fired and the peasantry 
burned the title-deeds of their lords. In a moment of victor^' 
It IS difficult not to make an abuse of power. But to appease 
the people it was necessary to destroy abuses, in order that they 
might not, while seeking to get rid of them, confound privilege 



48 



The French Revolution 



with property Classes had disappeared, arbitrary power was 
destroyed; with these, their old accessory, inequality, too, must 
be suppressed. Thus must proceed the establishment if the 
new order of thmgs, iuid these preliminaries were the woik of a 
smgle mght. 

The assembly had addressed to the people proclamations 
calculated to restore tranquillity. The Chfltelet wss con- 
stituted a court for trying the conspirators of the 14th of Tuly 
and this also contributed to the restoration of order by satisfy- 
ing the multitude. An important measure remained to be 
executed, the abohtion of privileges. On the night of the 4th 
of August, the viscount de Noailles gave the signal for this. 
He proposed the redemption of feudal rights, and the suppression 
of personal semtude. With this motion began the sacrifice 
of all the privileged classes; a rivalry of patriotism and public 
offerings arose among them. The enthusiasm became gimeral- 
ma few hours the cessation of all abuses was decreed. The 
duke du ChStelet proposed the redemption of tithes »nd their 
conversion mto a pecuniary tax; the bbhop of Chartres, the 
abohtion of the game-laws; the count de Virieu, that of the 
law protecting doves and pigeons. The abohtion of seigneurial 
courts, of the purchase and sale of posts in the magistracy of 
pecnmary immumties, of favouritism in taxation, of surplice 
money, first-fruits, pluralities, and unmerited pensions, were 
successively proposed and carried. After sacrifices made by 
individuals, came those of bodies, of towns and provinces 
Comi)ames and avic freedoms were abolished. The marquis 
des Blacons, a deputy of Dauphin^, in the name of his province 
pronounced a solemn renunciation of its privileges. The other 
provmc'js followed the example of Dauphin^, and the towns that 
of the provinces. A medal was struck to commemorate the 
day; and the assembly decreed to Louis XVI. the title of 
Restorer of French Liberty. 

That night, which an tnemy of the revolution designated at 
the time, the Saint Bartholomew of property, was only the 
Saint Bartholomew of abuses. It swept away the rubbish of 
feudalism; it dehvered persons from the remains of servitude 
properties from seigneurial liabilities ; from the ravages of game' 
and the exaction of tithes. By destroying the seigneurial courts' 
that remnant of private power, it led to the principle of public 
power; m putting an end to the purchasing posts in the magis- 
tmcy. It threw open the prospect of unbought justice. It was 
the transition from an order of things in which everything 



The First Revolution Completed 49 

belonged to individuals, to another in which everything was to 
bel^ to the nation. That night changed the face of the 
kingdom; it made aU Frenchmen equal; all might now obtain 
pubhc employments; aspire to the idea of property of their 
own, of exerasmg industry for their own benefit. That nieht 
was a revolution as important as the insurrection of the 14th 
of July, of which it was the consequence. It made the people 
masters of society, as the other had made them masters of the 
government, and it enabled them to prepare the new. while 
destroymg the old constitution. 

The revolution had progressed rapidly, had obtained great 
resulte m a very short time ; it would have been less prompt less 
complete, had it not been attacked. Every refusal became for 
It the (»use of a new success ; it foiled intrigue, resisted authority 
tnumphed over force; and at the point of time we have reached 
the whole edifice of absolute monarchy had fallen to the ground' 
through the errors of its chiefs. The 17th of June had witnessed 
the disapparance of the three orders, and the states-eeneral 
changed mto the national assembly; with the 23rd of Tune 
tenninated the moral influence of royalty; with the 14th of 
July Its physical power; the assembly inherited the one the 
people the other; finally, the 4tb of August completed this first 
revolution. The period we have just gone over stands promi- 
nently out from the rest; in its brief course force was displaced, 
and aU the prehmmary changes were accomplished. The follow- 
mg period IS that in which the new system is discussed, becomes 
Mtabhshed, and in which the assembly, after having been 
destructive, becomes constructive. 



5° 



The French Revolution 



CHAPTER II 

FROM THE NIOHT OF THE 4TH OF ATOOST TO THE STH AND 
6th 07 OCTOBEB, 1789 

was full of mtelligence, pure intentions, and projects for the 

unammous; but the mass was not dominat^by aky man or 
^ea; and .twas the mass which, upon a conviction ever u^rm- 
meUed and often entirely spontaneous, decided the deliberaU^ 
and bestowed popu amy. The foUowing were the divisior^ 
viejra and mterests It contained within itwU •_ 
-Hie court had a party in the assembly, the privileged classes, 

in the debates. This party consisted of those who duriig the 
dispute as to the or(fcrs had declared against u^o™*:Se 
^Tn?"-.^^^'*''*'' »°t^thstanding their momentary agre^! 
Z^l rf'J^^ "f^r' ^ '"'«'«t^ altogether coMrw^Vo 
tTwl ^ ""'"*"?• P"'y; '^^' aw^orfingly, the noMity 
and higher clergy, who formed the Right of the assembly, were 
m constant opposition to it, except on days of peculiar excite- 
ment. These foes of the revolution, unable to^revent it by 

J^fJ^"^! °l 'n ?*°P i' ^y *•='■■ <^^^^°' systematically 
contended against aU its reforms. Their leader^ were two men 

.T™rir.°°I*' ^-^ "^rS '^^ » '''^ " '«*. but who were 
S^ w^r. t?' "".i" *?•""''• ^""^ ""J Ca2al4 represented, 
as It were, the one the clergy, and the other the nobility. 

intPnffnnrf .T" ""^ °^ the privileged classes, according to the 
intentions of their party, who put little faith in the duration of 

Sd in'^^r;- ''!•''" ^'°'^''^'^- '^"^ ''°°^ °" *« defensive; 
»«;^Ki w "^ discussions their aim was not to instruct the 
^f^^^ii, '^-^"."^ " '"*° disrepute. Each introduced into 
his part the particular turn of his mind and character: Maury 
made long speeches Cazalis lively sallies. The first preserved 

flii „ 1 "f ^" ^^'^ ^ * P'^^-^ber and academician; he 
spoke on legislative subjects without understanding them, never 

Z^l / "^^^ ^''^ "^u*" '"^i'^' °°^ «^'«" *at most Li^m. 
tageous to h.s party; he gave proofs of audacity, erudition 
skm a brilliant and well-sustained facility, but never dispS 
sohdity of judgment, firm conviction, or real eloquence ^ 



Constitution of the Assembly 5 1 

abM Maury spoke as soldiers fight. No one could contradict 
oftener or more pertinaciously than he, or more Zp^tW 
substitute quotations and sophisms for n4soning°or rheS 
phrases for real bursts of feeling. He posses^ much Se^ 

was the opposite of Maury: he had a just and ready mind • hU 

t^H™"" T *T">' ^'^^' ^"' '"O"' animated^ Z-ewM 
candour in his outbursU, and he always gave the bestVeLoT 
No rhetoriaan, he always took the true side of a question Aat 
concerned his party, and left declamation to Mau^ "h 

he made of his talents, his only fault was that of his Son^ 
Maury, on the other hand, added the errors of his mXT^ 
which were inseparable from the cause he espoused. 
Necker and the ministry had also a party; but it was less 

revolution, and the people who strenuously desired it. As vet 

a1 wi^fro^lv" ^''^°'"" °^'^' =°8«^'' constitution, and 
ro,?^^^;^ A *"'»'"°° " conviction were of his views, r^ied 
^drkfl^H.^"".*^ "^"^ was Mounier, a man of strong mind 
and inflexible spirit, who considered that system as the tvoe of 

^^Xl^^r'T' I-"y-Tollend?l,asdea-/edThb 
wews as the former, and more persuas ve; Clermont-Tonnerre 

of th?„°^ri^'^°^"°""'f '^'1 L^'y; i^aword.rtemS; 
of thenobility and some of the bishops, who hopid to become 
manors of the upper chamber, shoiUd NeckTr's " ewT te 

oaSf !^W i *S f^^' '^"'"ds called the momirchical 
party wished to affect a revolution by compromise and t» 
muoduce mto France a representativ"^ g3mem,^eady 
formed namely, that of England. At Ivery point thev 
&tL L^^f'^^^r''' trP™-"''^ -*^ Ae^e^^ 
t eiore the 14th of July they asked the court and privileee* 
classes to satisfy the commons; afterwards, they S the 
S^d hJ^"" tk^ arrangement with the co^urT^d the 
privileged classes. They thought that each ought to preserve 

parties, and that a legal existence must be made for them, or 
mtenamable struggles be expected on their part. But they 
d d not see how httle their ideas were appropriate to a moment 
of exclusive passions. He struggle wm tegun, the struffite 



52 



The French Revolution 



destined to mult in the tnumph of a system, and not in a conl- 
promise. It was a victory which had made the three orders eive 
place to a smgle assembly, and it was difficult to break the unity 
of this assembly in order to arrive at a government of two 
chambers. The moderate party had not been able to obtain 
this government from the court, nor were they to obtain it from 
the nation: to the one it had appeared too popular: tor the 
other. It was too aristocratic. t^P""", iw uie 

The rest of the assembly consisted of the national party As 
yet there were not observed in it men who, like Robespierre, 
Ktion, Buzot, etc., wished to begin a second revolution when 
the first was accomplished. At this period the most extreme 
of this party were Duport, Bamave, and Lameth, who formed a 
triumvirate, whose opimons were prepared by Duport, sustained 
by BMTiave, and managed by Alexander Lameth. There was 
somethmg remarkable and announcing the spirit of equality of 
the times m this mtimate union of an advocate belonging to the 
middle classes, of a counseUor belonging to the parliamentary 
class, and a colonel belonging to the court, renouncing the 
mterests of their order to unite in views of the pubUc good and 
popular happiness. This party at first took a more advanced 
position than that which the revolution had attained The 
14th of July had been the triumph of the middle class- the 
constituent assembly was its legislature, the national guard its 
armed fora, the mayoralty its popular power. Mirabeau, 
L^ayette, Bailly, relied on this class; one was its tribune, the 
other Its general, and the third its magistrate. Duport, Baniave 
and LameAs party were of the principles and sustained the 
mterests of that period of the revolution; but Uxis party 
composed of young men of ardent patriotism, who entered on 
pubhc affairs with superior qualities, fine talents, and elevated 
positions, and who joined to the love of liberty the ambition of 
playmg a leading part, placed itself fjcm the first rather in 
advance of the revolution of July the 14th. Its fulcrum within 
the assembly was the members of the extreme left without, in 
the clubs, m the nation, in the party of the people, who had 
co-operated on the 14th of July, and who were unwilling that 
tte bourgeoisie alor- should derive advantage from the victory 
By puttmg Itself at the head of those who had no leaders, and 
■who bemg a little out of the government aspired to enter it it 
did not cease to belong to this first period of the revolution ; oiilv 
It Jormed a kind of democratic opposition, even in the middle class 
itself, only differmg from its leaders on a few unimportant points 



I Leaders of the Assembly 53 

tod voting with them on most questions. It was, amomr these 
poputor men.rather a patriotic emulation than a party dis^nsion 
Uuport, who was strong-minded, and who had acquired 
premature experience of the management of political passions, in 
the struggles which parliament had sustained against Uie miiis- 
tpr, and which he had chiefly directed, knew well that a people 
reposes the moment it has gained its rights, and that it be|ins to 
grow weak as soon as it reposes. To keep in vigour those who 
governed m the assembly, in the mayorafty, in the militia; to 
prevent public activity from slackening, and not to disband the 
Se^te^^rff*^ •"' nught one day require, he conceived and 
executed the famous confederation of the clubs. This institu- 
tion, like everything that gives a great impuUe to a nation 
caused a great deal of good, and a ^eat deal of him S 
peded legal authority, when this of itself was sufficient; but it 
auo gave an immense energy to the revolution, when, attacked 
on all sides It could only save itself by the most violent efforts. 
I'or the rest, the founders of this association had not calculated 
all Its consequences. They regarded it simply as a wheel des- 
tined to keep or put m movement the pubUc machine, without 
danger when it tended to abate or to cease its activity; they 
^ 1 i^<.^^T' *°*'"S for the advantage of the multi- 
^tf ^'"/^ "]«''* -"i ^^'■^""«'' '•>'» P^rty ^ become too 
X^^ ""^ ^•° f°™'dable; they forsook it, and supported 
themselves against it with the mass of the assembly ^ the 
middle class, whose du-ecbon was left vacant by the death of 
Mirabeau. At this period, it was important to them speedily 
Ln to hri°n". rliT""' revolution ; for to protract it would have 
Deen to bnng on the repubhcan revolution. 
. The mass of the assembly, we have just mentioned, abounded 
w just, experienced, and even superior minds. Its leaders were 
two men, sbungers to the third estate, and adopted by it. With- 
out the abb« Sieyfa, the constituent assembly would probablv 
have had less unity in its operation, and without Mirabeau, less 
energy in its conduct. ' 

SieyAs was one of those men who create sects in an age of 
enthusiasm, and who exercise the ascendancy of a powerful 
hT" ? ■«• !="l'8''t»ed e"^- Solitude and philosophical studies 
had matured him at an early age. His views were new, strong, 
and extensive, but somewhat too systematic. Society hil 
especiaUy been the subject of his examination; he had watched 
lU progress, investigated its springs. The nature of govern- 
ment appeared to him less a question of right than a question 



54 



The French Revolution 



of Mjoch. Hu vMt intellect ranged the society of our days in 
i?ii!?*»"""' '"'*"'"*• P*"*'"' "«J ""ovement/ SieyS.&h 
inspffM, and the passion which iu dUcovery gives: he was 

S^H^s^t ."^^"'"i" ^' ^•**'' di'dwning^^ose if othl" 
because he considered them incomplete, and because, in his 
opmion, half truth was error. Contradiction irritated hi^- he 
ki^^ hr™ u"**"?- D"'r°'»of™Wnghimselfthoroughly 
™^!2'hi ""!''* "°* ''V° *'"> "^'"y "n* His disciples V 
parted his systems to others, which surrounded him with a sort 

^H fh. i* "I'w*'' *^'?'' ^•""P'"* political science procures 
and the constitution might have emerged from his h^ com- 
pletely armed, like the Minerva of Jupfter, or the le^o^^f 
the ancients, were it not that in our^days every one s^ght to be 

S.5^r»i, ^"''^•"'"*' *"' P'""* ^^" ^""'Jly adopted, aAd he 
had in the committees more disciples than coUeagu^ 

Mirabeau obtained in the tribune the same ascendancy as 
h*^<s m the committees. He was a man who only waited the 
oc«.io„ to become great. At Rome, in the best V» of he 
r^ubbc, he would have been a Gracchus; in iu decline, a 
Catihne; under the Fronde, a cardinal de Retz; and in the 
.^Xi' "•' * "«'"*J=''y. .«hen such a being could only find 
scope for his immense faculties m agitation, he became remark- 
able for the vehemence of his passions, and for their punishment, 
alife passed m committing excesses, and suffering for them 

nr)!l-5'S f""! '""^*y ^*'l""*** employment; the revolution 
provided It. Accustomed to the struggle against despotism 

irritated by the contempt of a nobility who were inferior to Wm 
and who excluded him from their body; clever, daring, eloquent 
Mirabeau felt that the revolution would be his work, and l2s life 
fie exactly corresponded to the chief wanu of his time His' 
thought, his voice, his action, were those of a tribune In 
penlous circumstances, his was the earnestness which c^ies 
away an assembly; m difficult discussions, the unanswerable 
sally which at once puts an end to them; with a word he pros- 
trated ambition, silenced enmities, disconcerted rivalries. This 
powerful being, perfectly at his ease in the midst of agitation 
now givmg himself up to the impetuosity, now to the familiari- 
ties of conscious strength, exercised a sort of sovereignty in the 
assembly. He soon obtained immense popularity, which he 
retamed to the last; and he whom, at his fast entrJnc"the 



Power of the Assembly 55 

legwUture, every eye shunned, was, at hit death, received into 
the Fantheon, amidst the tears of the assemblv and of all France. 
H-d It not been for the revolution, Mirabeau would have failed 
in reahzing his destiny, for it is not enough to be great : one must 
live at the fitting period. 

The duke of Orleans, to whom a party has been given, had but 
little influence in the assembly; he voted with the majority 
not the majority with him. The personal attachment of some 
of Its members, his name, the fears of the court, the popularity 
.lis opinions enjoyed, hopes rather than conspiracies had in- 
o-eased his reputation as a factious character. He had neither 
the quahties nor the defects of a conspirator; he may have 
aided with his money and his name popular movements, which 
would have taken place jus' the same without him, and which 
had another object than his elevation. It is still a common 
error to attribute the greatest of revolutions to some petty 
private manoeuvring, as if at such an epoch a whole people could 
be used as the instrument of one man. 

The assembly had acquired the entire power; the corpora- 
tions depended on it; the national guards obeyed it. It was 
divided mto committees to facilitate its operations, and execute 
them. The royal power, though existing of right, was in a 
measure suspended, since it was not obeyed, and the assembly 
had to supply its action by its own. Thus, independently of 
committees entrusted with the preparation of its measures, it 
had appomted others to exercise a useful superintendence 
without. A committee of supply occupied itself with provisions 
an important object in a year of scarcity ; a committee of inquiry 
corresponded with the corporations and provinces; a committee 
of resewches received informations against the conspirators of 
the 14th of July. But finance and the constitution, which the 
past crises had adjourned, were the special subjects of attention. 
After having momentarily provided for the necessities of the 
treasury, the assembly, although now become sovereign con- 
sulted, by examming the cahiers, the wishes of its constituents. 
It then proceeded to form its institutions with a method a 
liberal and extensive spirit of discussion, which was to procure 
for France a constitution conformable with justice and suited 
to Its necessities. The United States of America, at the time 
of Its mdependence, had set forth in a declaration, the rights of 
man, and those of the citizen. This will ever be the first step 
A people rising from slavery feels the necessity of proclaiming 
Its rights, even before it forms its governtrent. Those French- 



56 



The French Revolution 



men who h«i anuted at the American revolution, and who 
w^perated in our.. propo.«l . .imilar declwation a. L SSLTbte 
«H „h^**- K^" *"• ■««««We to an a«en,bly of lS2tato„ 
exMted, and directed by primitive and fundamental ideaa of 
^^ ^;r7" '"","" P"PV of theeighteenth century. Cgh 

nS^ 1 ^» '""•' ? T""'"' *'"'* '»'• constitution wai to 

At ]S!f™' " '^°"'°.°"»"«» o« their dignity and importance. 
At Lafayette s suggestion, the assembly had before commCTced 
thi, discussion; but the events at Paris, and the de~of the 
4th of August, had interrupted iu labours; they were now 
resumed and concluded, by determining the principT^ wS 
were to form the table of the new law, and which were tSe 
assumption of right in the name of humanity 

att«lHnnf„T''*'" — « '"l°P*«^' t'"' »»«'nbly turned it. 
attention to the organization of the legislative power. This wm 

?unrt on! T„H 'T.?';:'°''J"=f^'. ** ^ »° fc^he nature ofT 
function., and estabhsh its relations with the kins. In thS 

of SX r t"'"""y ^^. ""'y *" ''''"''• the fut2 coiSirion 
authrfriW "* P°"![- J"^*?*''" " 't *«• '^ith constituent 
authority, it was raised above its own decisions, and no inter- 

should be the form of the deliberative body in future swsiom ' 
aiouM It remain indivisible, or be divided into two cS^ 
n, ^ ''""J?™ *ould be adopted, what should be the^aS^ 

tJ^^.l'^'"^ '^^^^ S*"*"" 't he made an arist^ati^ 
Msembly, or a moderative senate ? And, whatever the deHK™ 

T l^^ i:?«''*^' '"^ ■' *° he permaiient ^ SSI^d 
should the kmg share the legislative power with if? S^^Cre 

^n'tfoft Je'^lJ,.^^*^'' *'''= "--"y -^ P^ «^"™«" e 
If we consider the position of the assembly and its ideas of 
sovereignty^ we shall easUy understand the mZer in wWch 
these questions were decided. It regarded the kingmerdvrthe 
hereditary agent of the nation, having neither^^X riXt to 
assemble Its representatives nor that of directing or susSii^ 
them. Accordmgly, ,t refused to grant him the initiative^ 
S^.ur "f/'^'^y^S the assembly. It considered th« 
the legislative body ought not to be dependent on the king. It 
Srr" '"*i *^' hy granting the government too stro^ an 
influence <.ver the assembly, or by not keeping the latter alwa^ 



Permanence of the Assembly 57 

togette, the prince mi^t profit by the intervab in which he 
would be left alone, to encroach on the other powers, and 
perhafM even to destroy the new system. Therefore to an 
authority in constant activity, they wished to oppose an always 
existing assembly, and the permanence of the assembly was 
accordingly declared. The debate respecting its indivisibility. 
or Its division, was very animated. Necker, Mounier, and LaUy- 
louendal desired, m addition to a representative chamber, a 
senate, to be composed of members to be r , ntrd by the kins 
on the nommation of the people. The- ,, , .aered 'Us as the 
only means of moderating the power, ar. ; - v [, of pr.v nir.nir the 
tyranny of a single assembly. The i ^d .i-i isru^ais biich 
members as participated in their id: . ..r .vlu ^.)[<c^ lo '(.nft 
part of the upper chamber. The m;i|j,: y ot the ,^ oii^tv did 
not wish for a house of peers, but !'■- an ^ isc^a i* . .Tubly 
whose members it should elect. Th -y -ould i,oi .. -ree ; .Mouuier's' 
pany refusing to faU in with a proje> t cal ulu. 1 lo revivo the 
ordere, and the aristocracy refusing to accept a si u. c, which 
would confirm the ruin of the nobility, 'j hr ; ai er portion of 
the deputies of the clergy and of the conunolis were in favour 
of the unity of the assembly. The popular party considered it 
Illegal to appoint legislators for life; it thought that the upper 
chamber would become the instrument of the court and aristo- 
cracjr, and would then be dangerous, or become useless by 
umtmg with the commons. Thus the nobility, from dissatisfac- 
tion, and the national party, from a spirit of absolute justice, 
ahke rejected the upper chunber. 

This determination of the assembly has been the object of 
many reproaches. The partisans of the peerage have attributed 
all the evils of the revolution to the absence of that order; as if 
it had been possible for anybody whatsoever to arrest its progress 
It was not the constitution which gave it the character it has had 
but events arising from party struggles. What would the upper 
chamber have done between the court and the nation? If in 
favour of the first, it would have been unable to guide or save it • 
if in favour of the second, it would not have strengthened it- 
m either case, its suppression would have infallibly ensued. In 
such times, progress is rapid, and all that seeks to check it is 
superfluous. In England, the house of lords, although docile 
was susijended during the crisis. These various systems have 
each their epoch; revolutions are achieved by one chamber and 
end with two. 
TTie royal sanction gave rise to great debates in the assembly, 



58 



The French Revolution 



and violent clamours without. The question was as to the part 
Of the king in the making of laws; the deputies were nearlvtdl 
agreed on one pomt. They were determined, in admitting his 
right to section or refuse laws; but some desired that this 
nght should be unlimited, others that it should be temporary. 
Ttas.m reality, amounted to the same thing, for it wm not 
pMsible for the king to prolong his refusal indefinitely, and the 
veto though absolute, would only have been suspensive. But 
tnis faculty, bestowed on a single man, of checking the will of 
the people, appeared exorbitant, especially out of the assembly, 
where It was less understood. 

Paris had not yet recovered from the agitation of the 14th of 
July; the popular government was but beginning, and the city 
experienced all Hs liberty and disorder. The assembly of elec- 
tors, who m difficult circumstances had taken the place of a 
provisional corporation, had just been replaced. A hundred and 
eighty members nommated by the districts, constituted them- 
selves legislators and representatives of the city. While they 
were engaged on a plan of municipal organization, each desired 
to command; for m France the love of liberty is almost the 
love of power. The committees acted apart from the mayor: 
^^JfT i? °' ^Preventatives arose against the committees 
Md the districts against the assembly of representatives. Each 
oJ ^"^11 '^"*"'^. a""'»>«d 'o itself the legislative power, 
and gave the executive power to its conurattees; they all con- 
sidered the members of the general assembly as their subor- 
dmates, and themselves as invested with the right of annuUine 
Se"HM3"- ?" '•'^5 "' "^ sovereignty of the principal o2 
^thli!^^ "^^ ■""P'd progress. Those who had no Smre in 
autfionty, formed assemblies, and then gave themselves up to 
iscussion; soldiers debated at the OratoS-e, journeymen taSors 
at the Colonnade, hairdressers m the Champs Elysfes, servants 
at the Louvre; but tlie most animated debates took place in 
Ae Palais Royal. There were inquired into the questions that 
??'^rti^'i"**'°'^ assembly, and its discussions criticised 
llie dearth of provisions also brought crowds together, and these 
mobs were not the least dangerous. 

Such WM the state of Paris when the debate concerning the 
veto was begun. The alarm which this right conferred on the 
rl!ll*T *''^T e^t'e^e- It seemed as though the fate of 
hberty depended on the decision of this question, and that the 

^I^™n?^T "^ ^""^ ^''^.^^f """e"* vyvte™- The multitude, 
ignorant of the nature and hmits of power, wished the assembly 



Agitation in Paris 



59 

on which it relied, to do aU, and the king, whom it mistrusted, 
to do nothmg. Every instrument left at the disposal of the 
court appeared the means of a counter-revolution. The crowds 
at the Palais Royal grew turbulent; threatening letters were 
sent to those members of the assembly, who, like Mounier, had 
declared m favour of the absolute veto. They spoke of dismis- 
smg them as faithless representatives, and of marching upon 
Versailles. The Palais Royal sent a deputation to the assembly 
and required the commune to declare that the deputies were 
revocable, and to make them at all times dependent on the 
electors. The commune remained firm, rejected the demands 
of the Palais Royal, and took measures to prevent the riotous 
assemblies. The national guard supported it; this body was 
well disposed; Lafayette had acquired its confidence; it was 
becoming organised, it wore a uniform, submitted to discipline 
aiter the example of the French guard, and learned from its chief 
the love of order and respect for the law. But the middle class 
that composed it had not yet taken exclusive possession of the 
popular government. The multitude which was enroUed on 
the 14th of July, was not as yet entirely disbanded. This 
agitation from without rendered the debates upon the veto 
stormy; m this way a very simple question acquired great 
unportMice, and the ministry, perceiving how fatal the influence 
of an absolute decision might prove, and seeing, also, that the 
utdtmtud veto and the suspensive veto were one and the same 
thmg, induced the king to be satisfied with the latter, and give 
up the former. The assembly declared that the refusal of his 
sani^on could not be prolonged by the prince beyond Iwo 
sessions; and this decision satisfied every one. 

The court took advantage of the agitation in Paris to realise 
oUier projects. For some time it had influenced the king's 
mmd. At first, he had refused to sanction the decrees of the 
4th of August, although they were constitutive, and conse- 
quently he could not avoid promulgating them. After accepting 
them, on the remonstrances of the assembly, he renewed the 
same difficulties relative to the declaration of rights. The 
object of the court was to represent Louis XVI. as oppressed bv 
the assembly, and constrained to submit to measures which he 
wM unwilling to accept; it endured its situation with impatience 
and strove to regain its former authority. Flight was the only 
means, and it was requisite to legitimate it; nothing could b^ 
done in the presence of the assembly, and in the neighbourhood 
of Paris. Royal authority had fallen on the 23rd of June, mili- 



6o 



the French Revolution 



Uty power on the 14th of July; there was no alternative but 
cml war. As it was difficult to persuade the king to this course, 
thejr waited till the last moment to induce him to flee- his 
hesitation caused the failure of the plan. It was proposed to 
retire to Metz, to BouiU6, in the midst of his army; to caU 
around the monarch the nobility, the troops who continued 
faithful, the parliaments; to declare the assembly and Paris ip 
a state of rebellion; to invite them to obedience or to force them" 
to It; and If the ancient system could not be entirely re-estab- 
lished, at least to confine themselves to the declaration of the 
20th of June. On the other hand, if the court had an interest 
in removmg the king from Versailles, that it might effect some- 
thing, it was the interest of the partisans of the revolution to 
brmg him to Paris; the Orleans faction, if one existed, had an 
interest m drivmg the king to flight, by intimidating him, in the 
hope that the assembly would appoint its leader lieutenant- 
general of the kingdom ; and, lastly, the people, who were in want 
of bread, wished for the king to reside at Paris, in the hope that 
his presence would diminish, or put a stop to the dearth of 
provisions. All these causes existing, an occasion was only 
wanting to brmg about an insurrection; the court furnished this 
occasion. On the pretext of protecting itself against the move- 
ments in Pans, it summoned troops to Versailles, doubled the 
household guards, and sent for the dragoons and the Flanders 
n^iment. All this preparation of troops gave rise to the liveliest 
feare; a report spread of an anti-revolutionary measure, and the 
flight of the kmg, and the dissolution of the assembly, were 
announced as at hand. Strange uniforms, and yellow and black 
cockades, were to be seen at the Luxembourg, the Palais Royal 
and at the Champs Elysfe; the foes of the revolution displayed 
a d^ee of joy they had not manifested for some time. The 
behaviour of the court confirmed these suspicions, and disclosed 
the object of all these preparations. 

The officers of the Flanders regiment, received with anxiety 
in the town of Versailles, were feted at the chateau, and even 
admitted to the queen's card tables. Endeavours were made 
to STOire their devotion, and a banquet was given to them by the 
king s guards. The officers of the dragoons and the chasseurs, 
who were at VersaiUes, those of the Swiss guards, of the hundred 
Swiss, of the prevot^, and the staff of the national guard were 
invited. The theatre m the chateau, which was reserved for 
the most solemn fetes of the court, and which, since the mpjriage 
of the second brother of the king, had only been used for the 



Military Banquet #< 

emperor Joseph II., was selected to t'hs scene of the festival. 
The king's musicians were ordered to attend this, the first feta 
which the guards had given. During the banquet, toasts to the 
king and royal family were drunk with enthusiasm, while the 
nation was omitted or rejected. At the second coorse, the 
grenadiers of Flanders, the two bodies of Swiss, and the drwoons 
were admitted to witness the spectacle, and share the sentiments 
which animated the guests. The enthusiasm increased every 
moment. Suddenly the king was announced; he entered 
attired in a hunting dress, the queen leaning on his arm, and 
carrymg the dauphin. Shouts of affection and devotion arose 
on every side. The health of the royal famUy was drunk, with 
swords drawn; and when Louis XVI. withdrew, the music 
played, " Richard ! mon roil Vunivers t'abandonne." The 
scene now assumed a very significant character; the march of 
the HuUans, and the profusion of wine, deprived the guests of 
aJa reserve. The charge was sounded; tottering guests climbed 
the boxes, as if mounting to an assault; while cockades were 
distributed; the tri-coloured cockade, it is said, was trampled 
on, and the guests then spread through the galleries of the 
chiteau, where the ladies of the cou-+ '"o Jed them with con- 
gratulations, and decorated them with ribbons and cockades. 
Such was this famous banquet of the ist of October, which 
the court was imprudent enough to repeat on the third. One 
cannot help lamenting its fatal want of foresight; it could 
neither submit to nor change ite destiny. This assemWing of 
the troops, so far from preventing aggression in Paris, provoked 
It; the banquet did not make the devotion of the soldiers any 
more sure, while it augmented the ill disposition of the people. 
To protect itself there was no necessity for so much ardour, 
nor for flight was there needful so much preparation; but the 
court never took the measure calculated to make its designs 
succeed, or else it only half took it, and, in order to decide, it 
always waited until there was no longer any time. 

The news of this banquet, and the appearance of black cockades, 
produced the greatest sensation in Paris. From the 4th, sup- 
pressed rumours, counter-revolutionary provocations, the dread 
of conspiracies, indignation against the court, and increasing 
alarm at the dearth of provisions, ail announced an insurrection • 
the multitude already looked towards Versailles. On the cth' 
the insurrection broke out in a violfit and invincible manner; 
the entire want of flour was the signal. A young girl, entering 
a guardhouse, seized a drum, and rusl.-d throughtthe streets 



62 



The French Revolution 



beating It, and crying, "Bread! Bread!" She was soon 
WTTOunded by a crowd of women. This mob advanced towards 
the Hotel de vaie, increasing as it went. It forced the guard 
that stood at the door, and penetrated into the interior, ciamour- 
mg for bread and arms; it broke open doors, sdzed weapons, 
■ounded the tocsin, and marched towards Versaill<js. The 
people soon rose en masse, uttering the same demand, till the 
cry. To Versailles! " rose on every side. The women started 
first, headed by Maillard, one of the volunteers of the Bastille 
The populace, the national guard, and the French guards 
requested to follow them. The commander, Lafavette, opposed 
tteir departure a lon^ time, but in vain; neither his efforts nor 
his popularity ccuid overccme the obstinacy of the people. For 
seven hours he harangued and retained them. At length, 
impatient at this delay, rejecting his advice, they prepared to 
set forward without him; when, feeling that it was now his duty 
to conduct as it had previously been to restrain them, he obtained 
his authorization from the corporation, and gave the word for 
departure about seven in the evening. 

The excitement at Versailles was less impetuous, but quite 
as real; the national guard and the assembly were anxious and 
irritated. The double banquet of the household troops, the 
approbation the queen had expressed, fat ite enduMU de la 
jmtmie dejeudi— the king's refusal to accept simjily the Rights 
of Man, his concerted temporizings, and the want of provisions, 
excited the alarm of the representatives of the people and fiAed 
them with suspicion. Pftion having denounced the banquets 
of the guards, was summoned by a royalist deputy to explain his 
denunciation, and make known the guilty parties. " Let it be 
expressly declared," exclaimed Mirabeau, " that whosoever is 
not kmg is a subject and responsible, and I will speedify furnish 
proofs." These words, which pointed to the queen, compelie-i 
the Right to be silent. This hoftile discussion was preceded and 
succeeded by debates equally animated, concerning the refusal 
of the sanction, and the scarcity of provisions in Paris. At 
length, just as a deputation was despatched to the king, to 
require his pure and simple acceptanct of the Sights of Man, 
and to adjure him to facilitate with all his power the supplying 
Paris with provisions, the arrival of the women, headed by 
Maillard, was announced. 

Their unexpected appearance, for they had intercepted all 
the couriers who might have announced h, eaated the terrors 
of the court. The troops of Versailles flew to anus and sur- 



Consternation of the Court 6? 

h!^^ u" •?!^'iL^* ^ intentions of the women were not 
hortUe MiuU«d, ther latder, had recommended them to 
^S^.- * '"PP^*?' ';"d » 'hat attitude they presented their 
comets succewvely to the assembly and to the kine 
t^S^^- f' ^t houn of this turbulent evening We 
Wt?'^ i; '^•- ^u " "»* impossible but that caies of 
hostility shouUanse between an excited mob and the household 
ttoops, the objects of so much irritation. The latter were 
rationed m the court of the chiteau opposite the national 
Suard and the Flandos regiment. The s^ace between w^ 
fiQed by women and v^teers of the Bastille. In the midst of 
the confusion, necessaiiy arising from such a juxtaposition, a 
n« arose; this was the signal for disorder and coiSict. An 
officer of the guards struck a Parisian soldier with his sabre and 
w» B turn shot m the arm. The national guards sided agiinst 
the household troops; the conflict becami warm, andTouTd 
haje been sangmnary, but for the darkness, the bad weather 
and the orders given to the household troops first to cease firine 
and then to retire. But as these were accused of being thi 
apessors, the fuiy of the multitude continued for some time- 

^.^!^" *";* ^^^ "'*°' ^'^° °* "'«"' *ere wounded; 
and another saved with difficulty. 

During th» tumult, the court was in consternation; the fiinht 

of the long was suggested. ai>l carriages prepared; a picket of 

ttr national guard saw them at the gate of the Orangery, and. 

«fter dosmg the gate, compelled them to go back; mOTWvCT 

tibe kjng. either ignorant of ihe designs of the court or conceiv- 

■^ tbem rnipracucabk, refused t : escape. Fears were mingled 

with im pacific imentMMis, when be hesitated to repel the agCTes- 

^Z *? "^V^'-. ^"3'*^' *>"= apprehend^ the Ef 
a»ri<( I. of England ; absent, he feared that the duke of 
on«n» wouW obtam the lieutenancy of the kingdom. But 
m Jte mantime, the ram, fatigue, and the inaction of the hou:.a^ 
^ tj«^. Ifened the fury of the multitude, and Lafayette 
awve<; at the bead of the Parisian army. "»»y<:i.« 

m ;>re«ence rretored security to the court, and the replies of 
the ^ to the deputation from Paris, satisfied the mi5titude 
and the «my In a short time, Lafayette's activity, the good 
aensT, and di»' ,^me of the Parisian guard, restored order every- 
where Tran<,«ilhty returned. The crowd of women and 
volunteers overcome by fatigue, gradually dispersed, and some 
of Uie national guard were entrusted with the defence of the 
chateau, while others were lodged with their companions in arms 



64 



The French Revolution 



at VenftiUei. The royal fomily, reassured after the anxiety 
and fear of thii painful nig^t, retired to rest about two o'clock 
in the morning. Towards five, Ijafayette, having visited the 
outposts which had been cauUtad to his care, and finding the 
watch well kept, the town calm, and the crowds dispersed or 
deeping, abo tock a few moments repose. 

About six, however, some men of the lower class, more 
enthusiastic than the rest, and awake sooner than they, prowled 
round the chateau. Finding a gate open, they informed their 
■compaaious, and entered. Unfortimately, the interior posts 
had been entrusted to the household guards, and refused to the 
Parisian army. Ihis fatal refusal caused all the misfortunes of 
the night. The interior guard had not even been increased; 
the gates scarcely visited, and the watch kept as negligently as 
on ordinary occasions. These men, excited by all the passions 
that had brought them to Versailles, perceiving one of the house- 
hold troops at a window, began to insult him. He fired, and 
wounded one of them. They then rushed on the household 
troops who defended the chateau breast to breast, and sacrificed 
themselves heroically. One of them had time to warn the queen, 
whom the assailants particularly threatened; and half dressed, 
-she ran for refuge to the king. The tumult and danger were 
extreme in the chiteau. 

J^iJLafayette, apprised of the invasion of the royal residence, 
mounted his horse, and ro4e hastily to the scene of danger. 
On the square he met some of the household troops surrounded 
by an infuriated mob, who were on the point of killing them. 
He threw himself among thna, called some French guards who 
were near, and having rescued the household troops, and dis- 
persed their assailants, he hunied to the ch&teau. He found it 
already secured by the grenaii&rs of the French guard, who, at 
the first noise of the tumult, had hastened and protected the 
household troops from the fury of the Parisians. But the scene 
was not over; the crowd assembled again in the marble court 
under the king's balcony, loudly called for him, and he appeared. 
They required his departure for Paris; he promwed to repair 
thither with his family, and this p'omise was received with 
general applause. The queen was resolved tc i.xompany him; 
but the prejudice against her vras so strong that the journey 
was not without da^r; it was necessary to reconcile her with 
the multitude. Lafayette proposed to her to accompany him 
to the balcony; after some hesitation, she consented. They 
appeared on it together, and to communicate by a sign with the 



Destruction of the Ancient Regime 65 

left doubtfur, contributed to produce thS^mSnt ^^ ^ 
not change either iu direction or its object Tl.?r«nlt^tv 
SKI fT'^^fY '"^ ancientTin.?of {Te^c^f^ 
at%^il L / 'ts guard, it removed it from the royal resid«ce 



66 



The French Revolution 



CHAPTER III 



F!>OM THB 6tB OF OCTOBER, I789, TO THE DEATH OF MIIIABCAU, 
APRIL, 1 791 

The period which forms the subject of this chapter was less 
remarkable for events than for the gradually decided separation 
of parties, Tp proportion as changes were introduced into the 
state and thf; laws, those whose interests or opinions they in- 
jured declared <' ^mselves against them. The revolution had 
had as enemi<' i-<^.a the beginning of the states-general, the 
court; from t h jnion of orders and the abolition of privileges, 
the nobility; rom the establishment of a single assembly and 
the rejection of the two chamb 'rs, the ministry and the partisans 
of the English form of government. It had, moreover, against 
it since the departmental organization, the provinces; since 
the decree respecting the property and civil constitution of the 
clergy, the whole ecclesiastical body; since the introduction 
of the new military laws, all the officers of the army. It might 
seem that the assembly ought not to have effected so many 
changes at once, so as to have avoided making so many enemies; 
but its general plans, its necessities, and the very plots of its 
adversaries, required all these innovations. 

After the 5th and 6th of October, the assembly emigrated as 
the court had done after the 14th of July. Mounier and Lally- 
Tollendai deserted it, despairing of liberty from the moment 
their views ceased to be followed. Too absolute in their plans, 
they wanted the people, after having delivered the assembly on 
the 14th of July, suddenly to cease acting, which was displaying 
an entire ignorance of the impetus of revolutions. When the 
people have once been made use of, it is difficult to disband 
them, and the most prudent course is not to contest, but to 
regulate intervention. Lally-ToUendal renounced his title of 
Frenchman, and returned to England, the land of his ancestors. 
Mounier repaired to Dauphin^, his native province, which he 
endeavoured to excite to a revolt against the assembly. It 
was inconsistent to complain of an insurrection, and yet to 
provoke one, especially when it was to the profit of another party, 
for his was too weak to maintain itself against the ancient 
regime and the revolution. Notwithstanding his influence in 
Daufdiin^, whose former movements he had directed, Mounier 



Martial Law Proclaimed 67 

jrrri?^"""""' "*" ■»"*' >~»» "" ^^s 

provisions. Notwithstanding the zeal and foresVht of th/ 

was the prevailing passion o{ that epoch. The deoutie/nn 

ff!!!:'"^'u°"'y ^P'"'' "' completinTthe constSn a^3 
effecting the re-organisation of the state Thev haH Jh? J^ 

made use of what remained of the ancient regime, to oc^LS 
embarrassment. Accordingly, it replied to eLh if theirTdea 

deorLd rht'"7' *'•"=^ ,^'>^Png the ancient order of thihgs 

deprived them of one of their means of attack ^ ' 

It began by dividing the kingdom more equally and reeularlv 

The provinces, which had witnessed with regret Ihe losTK^: 

^^fjv.V^'^ *•"= P^J"" conceived by Sieyfe TiH 



68 



The French Revolution 



Fhmce wm divided into eighty-three deputmenti, nearly 
equal in extent and population; the depaitmenti were lulv- 
divided into districts and cantons. Their administration 
received a uniform and hierarchical form. The department 
had an administrative council composed of thirty-six members, 
and an executive directory composed of five members: as the 
names indicate, the functions of the one were to decide, and of 
the other to act. The district was organised in the same way; 
although on a smaller scale, it had a council and a directory, 
fewer in number, and subordinate to the superior directory and 
council. The canton composed of five or six parishes, was an 
dectoral not an administrative division; the active citizens, 
and to be considered such it was necessary to pay taxes amount- 
ing to three days' earnings, united in the canton to nominate 
their deputies and magistrates. Everything in the new plan 
was subject to election, but this had several degress. It 
appeared imprudent to confide to the multitude the choice of its 
delegates, and illegal to exclude them from it; this di£Scult 
question was avoided by the double election. The active citizens 
of the canton named electors intrusted with nominating the 
members of the national assembly, the administrators ci the 
department, those of the district, and the judges of tribunals; 
a crimhal court was established in eadi department, a civil 
court in each district, and a police-court in each canton. 

Such was the institution of the department. It remained to 
regulate that of the corporation: the administntion of this was 
confided to a general council and a municipality, composed^ of 
members whose numbers were proportioned to the population 
of the towns. The municipal officers were named immediately 
by the people, and could alone authorize the employment of the 
armed force. The corporation formed the first step of the 
association, the kingdom formed the last; the department wss 
intermediate between the corporation and the state, between 
univmal interests and purely local interests. 

The execiiti'ja of this plan, which organized the sovereignty 
of the people, v hich enabled all citizens to concur in vhe election 
of their magistrates, and entrusted them with their own adminis- 
tntion, and distributed them into a machinery wliich, by 
permitting the whole state to move, preserved a correspondence 
between its paru, and prevented their isolation, excited the 
discontent of some provinces. The states of Languedoc and 
Brittany protested against the new division of the kingdom, 
and on their side the parliaments of Metz, Rouen, Bordeaux, 



Hostility of the Clergy 69 

"«y, wnose attacks were prevented hv Ar»tm,n„„ n.. ^»r 
t»cy itself, whereas the nobilitvTd U^e S^L ^.T^^ 
action which survived the influeS^e ^ the gL^ -Sf*" •"' 
fortunes of these two classes yZZn^ by th^ivJ^ A*^!;; 

g~t expectations from ana^y which Si. ;„ I^^ ^ 
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(ANSI and ISO TEST CHART No 2) 




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K^ Rochealer, New York U609 USA 

■■^S ^^'6) 482 - C300 - Phon« 

^S (^^6) 288- 5989 -to. 



7° 



The French Revolution 



Mirabeau now caused Necker to be invested with a complete 
financial dictatorship. He spoke of the urgent wants of the 
state, of the labours of the assembly which did not permit it to 
discuss the plan of the minister, and which at the same time 
prevented its examining any other; of Necker's skill, which 
ensured the success of his own measure; and urged the assembly 
to leave with him the responsibility of its success, by confi- 
dently adopting it. As some did not approve of the views of 
the minister, and others suspected the mtentions of Mirabeau 
with respect to him, he closed his speech, one of the most elo- 
quent he ever delivered, by displaymg bankruptcy impending, 
and exclaiming, " Vote this extraordinary subsidy, and may it 
prove sufficient! Vote it; for if you have doubts respecting 
the means, you have none respecting the want, and our inability 
to supply it. Vote it, for the public circumstances will not bear 
delay, and we shall be accountable for all postponement. Beware 
of asking for time; misfortune never giants it. Gentlemen, on 
the occasion of a ridiculous motion at the Palais Royal, an absurd 
incursion, which had never had any importance, save in feeble 
imaginations, or the minds of men of ill designs and bad faith, 
you once heard these words, ' Catiline is at the gates of Rome, 
and yet they deliberate I ' And yet there were around us neither 
Catiline, nor perils, nor factions, nor Rome. But now bank- 
ruptcy, hideous bankruptcy, is there; it threatens to consume 
you, your properties, your honour, and yet you deliberate!" 
Mirabeau had carried away the assembly by his oratory; and 
the patriotic contribution was voted with unanimous applause. 

But this resource had only afforded momentarjr relief. The 
finances of the revolution depended on a more daring and more 
vast measure. It was necessary not only to support the revolu- 
tion, but to repair the immense deficit which stopped its progress, 
and threaten^ its future destiny. One way alone remained — 
to declare ecclesiastical property national, and to sell it for the 
rescue of the state. Public interest prescribed this course; and 
it could be done with justice, the clergy not bemg the proprietors, 
but the simple administrators of this property, devoted to 
religion, and not to the priests. The nation, therefore, by taking 
on Itself the expenses of the altar, and the support of its ministers 
might procure and appropriate an important financial resource, 
and obtain a great political result. 

It was important not to leave an independent body, and 
especially an ancient body, any longer in the state; for in a 
time of revolution everything ancient is hostile. The deigy. 



The Abolition of Tithes 



pendent, •JeSusre't'e'r^^hSnTrr/var^^^^^^ ^,'"- 
funttions were becoming nublie it JL. t!!,' "°* '''" 

monarch his domains fmm th.^ 'f ° '^'""* *">"» *he 
on each of thZ aTe^ltl^n;*^ "^r^L^f "^""^^ 
which destroyed the ancient ecS«i;»iT: ^^^ °P«™tion, 
in the followittg mannTr '^^"^'^t'cal r^me, was effected 

As^Ie^e' werr^'p^SXtS r "",' f*"'"'"" °^ ^-*«- 
the sacrifice would te for the aXLES!. nf '^!! *° *''!'='*'»'• 

=ate^>onr„^tT^» ^^^^^^ w^rl 

sense to consent. The archbkhnATi ^^P""^ had the good 
the name of all his teethren «n?K »^'™ ^"^ "P *'">"=' « 
showed himseUfatofufto th'eZ.^? ^"a'^' °i P™'''"" ^' 
privileged dasseT"he°iSt oTthe nH'^''P,''*l''y *« 
was the extent of his sacrS '^^ °' ^"^ust; but this 

eccti7caf;o'i^rtVS:J^'"^J^'^"7,the possession of 

Slfe^lS^S'lSsHS^-?^ 
which would accrue to AeTtote ^^1. S'"/'^*"'^" 
amounted to severd Ao*Ld miWoS of'TS' t?^ ^''^ 

^i^i^dtSE£-™^-t:=^ 

The clergy rose ag^i^uhb Tro^ v '^ ^'^ ?' j""*'""^ »'«'=«• 
very an^ated ;Tdl SrS'I ,„S^f^"'°" .»--»' 
that they were not Dronrietor, k„; ■ ^^^^ ^^"^ ""esistance, 
wealth th^at the P^TC^nTofTttea °^^^^ 



72 



The French Revolution 



to religion, and that the nation, on providmg for the 8em«oi 
puUic worship, had a right to recaU sudi property. T^<J««*f 
which placed It at its disposal was passed on the and of December, 

'^From that moment the hatred of the clergy to the revolution 
broke out. At the commencement of the states-general it had 
been less intractable than the nobility, in order to pr^erve its 
riches : it now showed itself as opposed as U>ey to the new rigune. 
of whidi it became the most teracious and funous foe. Yet, as 
Ae decree placed ecclesiastical property at ^e djsposa^ of the 
^tion, without, as yet, displacing .t, .t did «»' b™»^ out u»to 
ODDOsition at once. The administration was still confided to it, 
K hoped that the possessions of the church might serve as a 
mortgage for the debt, but would not be sold. u„„„„ 

It was, indeed, difficult to effect the sale, which, however, 
could not be deUyed, the treasury only «"*«.'*»'??, ""^^W.; 
tions, and the exchequer, which supplied it with bjlls, begmnmg 
to lose all credit on account of the number it had issued. 

•S^y obtained their end, and proceeded with the new financ^ 
organ&ation in the foUowing mamier: The ."lecessitiei of t^ 
3the foUowing year requured a sale of this property to the 
^ount of fourhuAdred miUions of francs; to j^^J' ^ 
corooration of Paris made considerable subscnptions, and the 
mSwties of the kingdom followed the exampte of ParuL 
Ttev ^ to return to the treasury the equivalent of ^ 
pr^i^ they received from the state to seU to private m<b- 
^ffif but Aey wanted money, and they could not dehver 
ftSunt since they had not yet met 7'}^P'"f'^'^:^^' 
was to be done? They suppUed mumcipal notes mtended to 
J^burse the pubUc creditors, untU they should acquire die 
r^s ne^sTar/for withdrawing the notes. Once afjivedtto 
to they saw that, instead of municipal notes, it would be better 
to 'S exchequer bills, which would have a compulspo' 
^tion, and ^wer the purpose of specte: this w^ sm^- 
S!gthe operation by generalising it. In this way the assignats 

^ttSn was of great utility to the revolu^V;^ 
alone secured the sale of ecclesiastical property. The a^ipm^ 
which were a means of payment for the state, became a pled^ 
to the creditors. The latter by receiving them were not obhged 
t^ ^^payment in land for what they had unushed m money 
BuTsooner or later the assignats would fall ^t" the^ds of 
men disposed to realise them, and then they were to be destroyed 



Transfer of Church Property 73 

requiredf to render thL.?f^.V^ ^""''^'^ circulation was 
not{allbytoo^urK^^fc:^,'r^/^L'''«y'»'-8ht 

concealed by distrust wou d^mmLi,. i^ '*°P*'^ ''^* ^f*":-* 
profitable; but Ais" terest wM k"'*'"' '"^' *'«"» "n"" 

the?dL"i„tra&rcLrcrJr' °' *? »'* »' °««->ber 
polities, the sale ?hey were abX^nTr^"'"* '° *' «»«>*«- 
four hundred miSkiTi l^d ttf °' 'V " '*'! ^'^"« »' 
money calculated to facili^f 'fi,^ r '^*'"'" °^ « -»!»' 

sought every means of Zv.^'" Jf""'"' ^o >» so. It then 
palities. liTtheTu^ kS Sfhr"""'""^ ''^ *' "»"'«- 
STthe pulpit, it akmed c^i^cie^^ ^ T'^^ Protestants; 
treated salJ^a^saSous^lT.; k" ^^ confessional, it 
the sentiments ofSSiWv ,?,™ r^"T""'?^*t°«"der 
as possible religious^LS.^ forT ''■ ^' T'""^ "^ '»»<* 
the assembly, ^d coSZX^J^'^ ,±"r'"°"'^^li 
that of religion. The abu«^f I^^^ ! •? ^ ?*" ""«"" wth 
were at this^eriod ^Slv everv";^n"'' "' T^''' ^°*' 
At their abolWon on X i,U> of F^h'^ ' '''"" ^^ '*«= ^'^W- 
Nancy proposed inddenta&d^rf'S^V^l"' *! ""''"P °^ 
religion alone should hare^ ™S^I^1'°"1^?' ^^l"^' "'tho'ic 
were indignant at the motr4tlS^^^'ir,^i''P- .^he assembly 
and it was abandoned. But t^I™"^,*?'' '*"* * proposition, 

Wdinanother.itting^-a^i'S^ryTeUa-aS??; 



74 The French Revolution 

declared that from respect to the Supreme Being and the 
wSreUrion, the only one supported at the expense o the 
^« it conceived it ought not to dec.de upon the question 

'"Sfaslhe disposition of the clergy, when, in the months of 
Tnne^d Tulv 1790, the assembly turned its attention to its 
&S^ orSati^ The clergy waited with ""patience for 
AuCportCify of exciting a schism. This project the adop. 
tion of^hich caused so much evU, went to re-establish the 
cCch ^n its ancient basis, and to restore the pur, y of its 
dSctrine- it was not the work of philosophers but of ai^tere 
S™.^, who wished to support religion by the state indto 
m^e theik concur mutuaUy in promoting its happiness. The 
^ction"f bishoprics to the same number as the departments, 
theconfomiitv of tlie ecclesiastical circumscription with the 
d^ Sci^script on, the nomination of bishops by electors 
w^ ZXs^ Vies and administrators, the suppresMon of 
rCurs, and the substitution of vcars for canons were the 
rhief features of this plan ; there was nothing m it that atWcked 
AidoS^ or worship if the church For a long time the 

EEsS^i^^S^mbelirsrw^p^^rS 

B^a ™etext was wantiAg, and the civjl constitution ol the 
^rieSs^^rpr^^^Sg 

to disdptoeT and when the decree was put to the vote the 

the dissentient members. The decree passed, but the clergy 
declared" against the revolution. From that moment it 
^tlTd more dosely with the dissentient nobility. EquaUy 
Xd r^e c'S^ion condition, the two privileged classes 
ernDbved all their means to stop the progress of reform. 

Tte departments were scarcely formed when agents were sent 
bv them W assemble the electors, and try riew nominations 
%Tm not hope to obtain a favourable choice, but amied at 
KK^U^^ ^tween the assembly and the departments. 



Another Election Proposed 75 

^ it'lt'mLI tHnr^M™" '^' *""""'' «"<^ foi'^d as soon 

Bmmmm 

«o wj 5p«a« oy M?w. The constitution," continued ChanpIiW 

is above^s 1% andT lltrnv^ '^ the nation; the nation 

national authority " "'"^ °" ^"**"'"»y ''y l™"ing the 

The abW Maury's speech was received with loud applause 



76 



The French Revolution 



from the Right. Mirabeta immediately ascended the tnbune. 
" It is ».<iked," said he, " how long the deputies of the people 
have been a national convention? I answer, from *« day 
when, finding the door of their session-h< use surrounded by 
soldiers, they went and assembled where they could, and swoie 
to perish rather than betray or abandon the rights of the nation. 
Whatever our powers were, that day their nature was changed; 
and whatever powers we may have exercised, our efiorU and 
labours have rendered them legitimate, and the adhesion of the 
nation has sanctified them. You all remember the saying of 
the great man of antiquity, who had neglected lefral forms to 
save his country. Summoned by a factious tribune to declare 
whether he had obf->rved the laws, he replied, ' I swear I have 
saved my country!' Gentlemen," he exclaimed, tummg to 
the deputies of the commons, " I swear that you have saved 
France ! " , 

The assembly then rose by a spontaneous movement, ana 
declared that the session should not close till their task was 
accomplished. . 

Anti-revolutionary efforts were mcreasmg, at the same time, 
without the assembly. Attempts were made to seduce or dis- 
organize the army, but the assembly took pn-dent measures 
in this respect. It gained the affections of the troops by render- 
ing promotion independent of the court, and of titles of nobility. 
The count d'Artois and the prince de Condi, who had retired to 
Turin after the 14th of July, corresponded with Lyons and the 
south; but the emigrants not having yet the external mfluenra 
they afterwards acquired at Coblentz, and failing to meet with 
internal support, all their efforts were vain. The attempte at 
insurrection, originating with the clergy in Languedoc, had as 
little effect. They brought on some transient disturbances, but 
did not effect a religious war. Time is m cessary to form a 
party; still more is required to induce it to decide on senous 
hostilities. A more practicable design was that of carrying off 
the king and conveying him to Peronne. The marquis de 
Favras, with the support of Monsieur, the king's brother, was 
preparing to execute it, when it was discovered. The Oiatelet 
condemned to death this intrepid adventurer, who had faded in 
his enterprise, through undertaking it with too much display. 
The king's flight, after the events of October, could only be 
effected furtively, as it subsequently happened at Varennes. 

The position of the court was equivocal and embarrassmg. 
It encouraged every anti-revolutionary enterprise and avowed 



Establishment of Fixed Courts 77 

ZfJcilKi" "°? I'r/"?' '" weakness and dependence on 
the assembly; and while desirous of throwing off the yoke, feared 
to make the attempt because success appeared difficult. Accord- 
mgly, It excited opposition without openly co-operatin« in if 
with some It dreamed of the restoration of the Incient 
rtgincie, with others it only aimed at modifying the revolution 
Mirabeau had been recently in treaty with it. After havine 
been one of the chief authors of reform, he sought to irive 
It stabUity by enchaming faction. His object was to convert 
i^f,^"""^ ' revolution not to give up the revolution to the 
court The support he offered was constitutional: he could 
not offer any other; for his power depended on his popularity 
and his popularity on h« principles. But he was wong in 
suffermg It to be bought. Had not his immense necessTtiis 
obliged hm> to accept money and sell his counsels, he would 
not have been more blameable than the unalterable Lafayette 
the LameAs and the Girondins, who successively negotiated 
with It. But none of them gained the confidence of the court • 
It only had recourse to them in extremity. By their means it' 
endeavoured to suspend the revolution, while by the means o 
the anstocracy it ttied to destroy it. Of all the ^pular leaders 
Mirabeau had perhaps the greatest ascendancy over the court' 
because he was the most winning, and had the strongest mind. ' 
miif. .?!t^^ r°**^ unceasingly at the constitution, in the 
midst of these intrigues and plots. It decreed the new udicial 
organization of France. All the new magistracies were tem^ 
ary. Under the absolute monarchy, all powers emanated from 
the throne, and all functionaries were appointed by the kine- 
under the constitutional monarchy, aU powers emanating from 
Ae peep e, the functionaries were to be appointed by it The 
throne alone was transmissible; the other powers being the 
property neither of a man nor of a family, were neither of life- 

on°"nn;",°l •"^- ?' '^P^""""" °^ *''' P«"<^ depended 
on one sole prmciple, the sovereignty of thV nation The 
judicial functions had themselves that changeable character 
I ^ii^JlP'' * <!«™°c™tic institution formerly common to 
nearly aU the continent, but which in England alone had sur- 
vived the encroachments of feudalism and the throne, was 
introduced mto cnmmal causes. For civil causes special judges 
were nominated. Fixed courts were established, two Um 
of appeal to prevent error, and a cour de cassation intended to 
secure the preservation of the protecting forms of the law. 
This formidable power, when it proceeds from the throne can 



78 



The French Revolution 



only be independent by being fixed ; but it must be temporary 
wlien it proceeds from the people; because, while depending on 
all, it depends upon no one. 

In another matter, quite as important, the right of making 
peace or war, the assembly decided a new and delicate question, 
and this in a sure, just, and prompt manner, after one of the most 
luminous and eloquent discussions that ever distinguished its 
sitting. As peace and war belonged more to action than to 
will. It confided, contrary to the usual rule, the initiative to 
the king. He who was best able to judge of its fitness was 
to propose the question, but it was left to the legislative body 
to decide it. 

The popular torrent, after having burst forth against the 
ancient regime, gradually subsided into its bed; new dykes 
restrained it on all sides. The government of the revolution 
was rapidly becoming established. The assembly had given 
to the new ri^me its monarch, its national representation, its 
territorial division, its armed force, its municipal and adminis- 
trative power, its popular tribunals, its currency, its clergy; 
it had made an arrangement with respect to its debt, and it had 
found means to reconstruct property without injustice. 

The 14th of July approached: that day was regarded by the 
nation as the anniversary of its deliverance, and preparations 
were made to celebrate it with a solemnity calculated to elevate 
the souls of the citizens, and to strengthen the common bonds of 
union. A confederation of the whole kingdom was appointed 
to take place in the Champ de Mars; and there, in the open air, 
the deputies sent by the eighty-three de-.jartments, the national 
representatives, the Parisian guard, and the monarch, were to 
take the oath to the constitution. By way of prelude to this 
patriotic tite, the popular members of the nobility proposed the 
abolition of titles; and the assembly witnessed another sitting 
similar to that of the 4th of August. Titles, armorial bearings, 
liveries, and orders of knighthood, were abolished on the 20th 
of June, and vanity, as power had previously done, lost its 
privileges. 

This sitting established equality everywhere, and made thin^ 
agree with words, by destroying all the pompous paraphernalia 
of otuer times. Formerly titles had designated functions; 
armorial bearings had distinguished powerful families; liveries 
had been worn by whole armies of vassals ; orders of knighthood 
had defended the state against foreign foes, Europe against 
blamism; but now, nothing of this remained. Titles had lost 



A Great Confederation 70 

their truth and their fitness; nobility, after ceasing to be a 
magistracy, had even ceased to be an ornament; and power 
like glory, was henceforth to spring from plebtian ranks But 
Whether the aristocracy set more value on their titles than on 
their privileges, or whether they only awaited a pretext fo' 
openly declaring themselves, this last measure more than any 
other, decided t.ie emigration and its atUCK, It was for the 
nobihty what the tivil constitution had been f- the clergy an 
occasion, rather than a cause of hostility. 

The 14th of July arrived, and the revolution witnessed few 
such glorious days— the weather only did not correspond with 
this magnificent fete. The deputies of all the departments 
were presented to the king, who received them wiTh much 
affability; and he, on his part, met also with the most touchinc 
testimonies of love, but as a constitutional king. " Sire " said 
the leader of the Breton deputation, kneeling on one knee, and 
presentmg his sword, " I place in your hands the faithful sword 
of the brave Bretons: it shall only be reddened by the blood of 
youi foes Louis XVI. raised and embraced him, and retur.ied 
the sword. " It cannot be in better hands than in those of my 
brave Bretons^." he replied; "I have never doubted their 
loyalty and affection; assure them that I am the father and 
brother, the fnend of all Frenchmen." " Sire," returned the 
deputy, every Frenchman loves, and will continue to love you 
because you are a citizen-king." ' 

The confederation was to take ptoce in the Champ de Mars 
Ihe unmense preparations were scarcely completed in time; all 
i-ans had been engaged for several weeks in getting the arrange- 
ments ready by the 14th. At seven in the morning, the pro- 
cession of electors, of the representatives of the corporation of 
the presidents of districts, of the national assembly, of the 
Parisian guard, of the deputies of the army, and of the federates 
of the departments, set out in complete order from the site of 
the Bastille. The presence of all these national corps, the 
floating banners, the patriotic inscriptions, the varied crftumcs 
the sounds of music, the joy of the crowd, rendered the procession 
a most imposing one. It traversed the ity, and crossed tbi; 
beine amidst a volley of artillery, over a bridge of boats, which 
had been thrown across it the preceding day. It entered' the 
Champ de Mars under a triumphal arch, adorned with patriotic 
inscriptions. Each body took the station assigned it in excellent 
order, and amidst shouts of applause. 
The vast space of the Champ de Mars was inclosed by rabed 



8o 



The French Revolution 



•e»U of turf, occupied by four hundred thouMnd specuton. 
An antique elUr wu erected in the middle ; and around it, on a 
VMt amphitheatre, were the king, hit family, the auembly, and 
the corporation. The federate! of the departments were ranged 
in order under their lannen; the deputies of the army and the 
national guards were in their ranks, and under their ensigns. 
The bishop of Autun ascended the altar in pontifical robes; 
four hundred priesu in white copes, and decorated with flowing 
tncoloured sashes, were posted at the four comers of the altar. 
Mass was celebrated amid the sounds of military music; and 
then the bishop of Autun blessed the oriflamme, and the eighty- 
three banners. 

A profound silence now reigned in the vast indosure, and 
Lafayette, appointed that day to the command in chief of all 
the national guards of the kingdom, advanced first to take the 
avic oath. Borne on the arms of grenadiers to the altar of the 
country, amidst the acclamations of the people, he exclaimed 
with a loud voice, in his own name, and that of the federates 
and troops: " We swear eternal fidelity to the nation, the law, 
and the king; to maintain to the utmost of our power the 
constitution diicreed by the national assembly, and accepted 
by the king; and to remain united with every Frenchman by 
the indissoluble ties of fraternity." Forthwith the firing of 
cannon, prolonged cries of " Vive la nation I" " Vive le roi I " 
and sounds of music, mingled in the air. The president of the 
national assembly took the same oath, and all the deputies 
repeated it with one voice. Then Louis XVI. rose and said: 
" h king of the French, swear to employ all the power delegated 
to me by the constitutional act of the state, in maintaining the 
constitution decreed by the national assembly and accepted 
by me." The queen, carried away by the enthusiasm of the 
moment, rose, lifted up the dauphm in her arms, and showing 
him to the people, exclaimed: " Behold my son, he unites with 
me in the same sentiments." At that moment the banners 
were lowered, the acclamations of the people were heard, and 
the subjects believed in the sincerity of the monarch, the 
monarch in the affection of the subjects, and this happy day 
closed with a hymn of thanks^ving. 

The ffites of the confederation were protracted for some days. 
Illuminations, balls, and sports were given by the city of Paris 
to the deputies of the departments. A ball took place on the 
spot where had stood, a year before, the Bastille; gratings, 
fetters, ruins, were observed here and there, and on the door 



P«tty Intrigues Resumed g, 

"They danced indeed with ioJ^nH ^^^^nf^niry observei: 

»o mly tear, C^^e„2d X"'' " ''^""''**''" 
innocence had w often w4„.d'- wJ ~"'^^' 8'"'"»' «"'» 

d«pair had been .tifll^^*'rmell?a:"C,°''" "'' "'" °' 
the confederation- and ., »h. . " ^'^* *° """""""orate 

deputies retun.ed^t'hlSeAVr''"'"^ °' '"^ «'- *»« 

more strictly .peaking, f*" hL^r^JT ''" "''"'°"' "'' 
the evenu of thTrth and fith ^ n . P' '"''""^ ■•e.pect ng 
Mirabeau were aWsld L the^utho^"h«^k°' ^^''^ "^ '"^ 
theChatelet. This inqu^v whfeh h^^'Ki^"" ''"" ^'"'ducted by 
resumed. By this «tack the cm,rt been suspended, was now 

foresight; for it ou^f to hav- prveTthel."^'*^^ '"* *""' •" 
have made it. The assemhw kP™^'"^'"? "=<:u»ation or not to 

guilty parties-, hlS^itTutd'^aS", utt^Cd" T"* "P '"" 
ground for proceeding ■ and MJ^k!^ ' T^'^'d there w s no 
outburst against the whole aff^rn^"'/'!"„*" °^''^'' "ing 
and thus «^« rtumDUntiv ^^n; ^'*"^ "*'• ^'«^^ "> ^ -"entT 
made expressly to S&hi;;; "" ''-"'*t'°" -hich had been 

exaggeration. "We X ita dirri^ " 5'«'i* '^"'^* "« »» 
"we want three or four mo« of^^' '.""V^" "^^ Maury; 
at iu very dooi,,!^," ^^M^^l ^""^^ "•^""'» «>" 
of the people; themSStOT wfm^ to deprive it of the respect 
Necker^ s^Il haunt"dTyX J^*,^l°^t™«;d ''» P"g^^ 
ancy, addressed to it memorkb ta wh^h k ^^ '"""*■■ "^^d" 
and gave it advice. ThrStTr^iw ^'°PP°^ '»» decrees 
to a secondary part: he woulZotfT- "?* »<:<:u«om himself 
of the assembl^ w Siv Inn !i' '" T^*" ^^' "^rupt plans 
reform. At ler^h conv&Tw^r^" ^J'^^ °' 8^«''"^ 
efforts, he left Paris after ^,,I^„^^ *?' "•* """t'^ty «« Ws 
1790, and obscurdy t^ve"eTth«;''n '^' ^'^ "' September, 
before he had gone %Cugri^ triumnS T'' ""^"^ " ^"^ 
are easily forgotten, for the MtTon .^^^ " revolutions, men 



82 



The French Revolution 



tiomuy efforts. As it did not succeed in exciting the people, 
who, from their position, found the recent changes very benefioal, 
it had recourse to means which it considered more certain; it 
quitted the kingdom, with the intention of returning thither 
with all Europe as its armed ally; but while waiting till a system 
of emigration could be organised, while waiting for the appear- 
ance of foreign foes to the revolution, it continued to arouse 
enemies to it in the interior of the kingdom. The troops, as we 
have before observed, had already for some time been tampered 
with in various ways. The new milita'y code was favourable 
to the soldiers; promotion formerly granted to the nobility was 
now granted to seniority. Most of the officers were attached 
to the ancient regime, nor did they conceal the fact. Compelled 
to take what had become the common oath, the oath of fidelity 
to the nation, the law, and the king, some left the army, and 
increased the number of emigrants, while others endeavoured 
to win the soldiers over to their party. 

General BouilU w»s of this number. After having long 
refused to take the civic oath, he did so at last with th's inten- 
tion. He had a numerous body of troops under his command 
near the northern frontier; he was clever, resolute, attached to 
the king, opposed to the revolution, such as it had then become, 
though the friend of reform; a circumstance that afterwards 
brought him into suspicion at Coblentz. He kept his army 
isolated from the citizens, that it might remain faithful, and 
that it might not be infected with the spirit of insubordination 
which they communicated to the troops. By skilful management, 
and the ascendancy of a great mind, he also succeeded in retain- 
ing the confidence and attachment of his soldiers. It was not 
thus elsewhere. The officers were the objects of a general 
dislike; they were accused of diminishing the pay, and having 
no concern for the great body of the troops. The prevailing 
opinions had also something to do with this dissatisfaction. 
These combined causes led to revolts among the men; that of 
Nancy, iii August, 1790, produced great alarm, and became 
almost the signal of a civil war. Three regiments, those of 
Chateauvieux, Maitre-de-camp, and the King's own, rebelled 
against their chiefs . Bouill^ was ordered to march against them ; 
he did so at the head of the garrison and national guard of Metz. 
After an animated skirmish^ he subdued them. The assembly 
congratulated him; but Paris, which saw in Bouill^ a conspira- 
tor, was thrown into fresh agitation at this intelligence. Crowds 
collected, and the impeachment of the ministers who had given 



The Assembly Perplexed 83 

thu work. TTw sale of rh?,^'^" ^ '''"f^ '**'^ "» *'«™ » 
the chiirrh TK. I.- ■ "^ ^"* discipline or the creed of 

mmtms 

fru^rltHr't comrgt^'th^ii^ '^' "^ •»""»P*'»« '» 
dissentient pri.sts toSeIv« fl,^ '^"'^P " '''''' '"^^ t^e 

ambition, 4uld ad^t STmSsTe ' *' '*""' '^'^'^^ ^""^ 

w<;Sw fotrthf^ t^r *2;d\w '"f '^" ^^^ '^'^--»- 

would leave the stau^ hC *w? ^^ '^^^'"S t° swear, they 
withoutpriests. r^.'-^Z^^'^.'^i^^'^^^^^ 



84 



The French Revolution 



party; the majority of the bishops and curfs of the assembly 
refiued to take the oath, but a few bishops and many cur& took 
it. The dissentient incumbents were derived, and the electors 
nominated successors to them, who received canonical institu- 
tion from the bishops of Autun and Lida. But the deprived 
ecclesiastics refused to abandon their functions, and declared 
their successors intruders, the sacraments administred by them 
null, and all Christians who should venture to recognise them 
excommunicated. They did not leave their dioceses; they 
issued charges, and excited the people to disobey the laws; and 
thus an afiair of private interest became first a matter of religon 
and then a matter of party. There were two bodies of clergy, 
one constitutional, the other refractory; they had each its 
partisans, and treated each other as rebels and heretics. Accord- 
mg to passion or interest, religion became an instrument or an 
obstacle; and while the priests made fanatics the revolution 
made infidels. The people, not yet infected with this malady 
of the upper classes, lost, especiaUy in towns, the faith of their 
fathers, from the imprudence of those who placed them between 
the revolution and their religion. "The bishops," said the 
marquis de Ferriires, who will not be suspected, " refused to fall 
in with any arrangements, and by their guilty intrigues closed 
every approach to reconciliation; sacrificing the catholic 
religion to an insane obstinacy, and a discreditable attachment 
to their wealth." 

Every party sought to gain the people; it was courted as 
sovereign. After attempting to influence it by religion, another 
means was employed, that of tiie clubs. At that period, dubs 
were private assemblies, in which the measures of government, 
the business of the state, and the decrees of the assembly were 
discussed; their deliberations had no authority, but they 
exercised a certain influence. The first club owed its origin to 
the Breton deputies, who already met together at Versailles 
to consider the course of proceeding they should take. When 
the national representatives were transferred from Versailles to 
Paris, the Breton deputies and those of the assembly who were 
of their views held their sittings in the old convent of the Jacobins, 
which subsequently gave its name to their meetings. It did not 
at first cease to be a preparatory assembly, but as all things 
increase in time, the Jacobin club did not confine itself to influ- 
encing the assembly; it sought also to influence the municipality 
and the people, and received as associates members of the 
municipality and common citizens. Its organization became 



Societies Established as Clubs 85 

more regular, its action more powerful; its fittings were regu- 
larly reported in the papers; it created branch clubs in the 
provinces, and raised by the side of legal power another power 
which first counselled and then conducted it. 

The Tacobin club, as it lost its primitive character and became 
apopular assembly, had been forsaken by part of its founders. 
The latter established another society on the plan of the old one 
under the name of the club of '89. Sieyis, Chapelier, Lafayette 
La Rochefoucauld directed it, as Lameth and Bamave directed 
that of the Jacobins. Mirabeau belonged to both, and by both 
was equaUy courted. These clubs, of which the one prevailed 
m the assembly and the other amongst the people, were attached 
to the new order of things, though in different degrees. The 
aristocracy sought to attack the revolution with iu own arms- 
It opened royalist clubs to oppose the popular clubs. That first 
established under the name of the Club its ImparUaux could not 
last because it addressed iuelf to no class opinion. Reappearing 
undCT the name of the Club Monarchique, it included among iS 
members all those whose views it represented. It sought to 
v!™? "»eK popular with the lower classes, and distnbuted 
bread ; but far from accepting its overtures, the people considered 
such establishments as a counter-revolutionary movement. The 
people disturbed then' sittings, and obliged them several times 
to chMige their place of meeting. At length, the municipal 
ajithon^ found itself obliged, in January, 1791, to close «£i 
club, which had been the cause of several riots. 

The distrust of the multitude was extreme; the departure of 
the king's aunts, to which it attached an exaggerated importance 
mcreased its uneasmess, and led it to suppose another departure 
was preparmg. These suspicions were not unfounded, and they 
occasioned a kind of rising which the anti-revolutionists sought 
to turn to account by carrying off the king. This project faUed 
owing to the resolution and skiU of Lafayette. WhUe the crowd 
went to Vmcennes to demolish the dungeon which they said 
communicated with the TuUeries, and would favour the flight 
of the king, more than six hundred persons armed with swords 
and daggers entered the Tuileries to compel the king to flee 
Lafayette, who had repaired to Vincennes to disperse the 
multitude, returned to quell the anti-revolutionists of the 
chateau, after dissipating the mob of the popular party, and 
by this second expwlition he regained the confidence which bis 
first had lost him. 

The attempt rendered the escape of Louis XVI. more feared 



86 



The French Revolution 



than ever. Accordingly, a short time after, when he wished 
to go to Saint Cloud, he was prevented by the crowd and even 
by his own guard, despite the efforts of Lafayette, who endeap 
voured to make them respect the law, and the liberty of the 
monarch. The assembly on its side, after having decreed the 
inviolability of the prince, after having regulated his constitu- 
tional guard, and assigned the regency to the nearest male heir 
to the crown, declared that his flight from the kingdom would 
lead to his dethronement. The increasing emigration, the open 
avowal of its objects, and the threatening attitude of the 
European cabinets, all cherished the fear that the king might 
adopt such a determination. 

Then, for the first .ime, the assembly sought to stop the 
progress of en-'gration by a decree ; but this decree was a difficult 
question. If they punished those who left the kingdom, they 
violated the maxims of liberty, rendered sacred by the declara- 
tion of rights; if they did not raise obstacles to emigration, they 
endangered the safiety of France, as the nobles merely quitted 
it in order to invade it. In the assembly, setting aside those 
who favoured emigration, some looked only at the right, others 
only at the danger, and every one sided with or opposed the 
restrictive law, according to his mode of viewing the subject. 
Those who desired the law, wished it to be mild; but only one 
law could be practicable at such a moment, and the assembly 
shrank from enacting it. This law, by the arbitrary order of a 
committee of three members, was to pronounce a sentence of 
civil death on the fugitive, and the confiscation of his property. 
" The horror expressed on the reading of this project," cried 
Mirabeau, " proves that this is a law worthy of being placed in 
the code of Draco, and cannot find place among the decrees of 
the national assembly of France. I proclaim that I shall con- 
sider myself released from every oath of fidelity I have made 
towards those who may be infamous enough to nominate a 
dictatorial commission. The popularity I covet, and which 
I have the honour to enjoy, is not a feeble reed; I wish it to ta^e 
root in the soil, based on justice and liberty." The exterior 
position was not yet sufficiently alarming for the adoption of 
such a measure of safety and revolutionary defence. 

Mirabeau did not long enjoy the popularity which he imagined 
he was so sure of. That was the last sitting he attended. A 
few days afterwards he terminated a life worn out by passions 
anu by toil. His death, which happened on the 2nd of March, 
1 791, was considered a public calamity; all Paris attended his 



The Reorganization of France 87 

funeral; there was a general mourning throughout France, 
and his remains were deposited in the receptacle which had just 
been consecrated aux grands homnus, in the name of la patrie 
reconnaissante. No one succeeded him in power and popularity ; 
and for a long time, in difficult discussions, the eyes of the 
assembly would turn towards the seat from whence they had 
been accustomed to hear the commanding eloquence which 
terminated their debates. Mirabeau, alter having assisted the 
revolution with his daring in seasons of trial, and with his power- 
ful reasoning since its victory, died seasonably. He was revolv- 
ing vast designs; he wished to strengthen the throne, and 
consolidate the revolution; two attempts extremely difficult 
at such a time. It is to be feared that royalty, if he had made it 
independent, would have put down the revolution ; or, if he had 
failed, that the revolution would have put down royalty. It 
is, perhaps, impossible to convert an ancient power into a new 
order; perhaps a revolution must be prolonged in order to become 
legitimate, and the throne, as it recovers, acquire the novelty 
of the other institutions. 

From the sth and 6th of October, 1780, to the month of April, 
1791, the national assembly completed the reorganization of 
France; the court gave itself up to petty intrigues and projects 
of flight; the privileged classes sought for new means of power, 
those which they formerly possessed having been successively 
taken from them. They took advantage of all the opportunities 
of disorder which circumstances furnished them with, to attack 
the new regime and restore the old, by means of anarchy. At 
the opening of the law courts the nobility caused the Chambres 
de vacations to protest; when the provinces were abolished, it 
made the orders protest. As soon as the departments were 
formed, it tried new elections; when the old writs had expired, 
it sought the dissolution of the assembly; when the new military 
code passed, it endeavoured to excite the defection of the officers; 
lastly, all the ,i means of opposition failing to effect the success 
of its designs, it emigrated, to excite Europe against the revolu- 
tion. The clergy, on its side, discontented with the loss of its 
possessions still more than with the ecclesiastical constitution, 
sought to destroy the new order by insurrections, and to bring 
on insurrections by a schism. Thus it was during this epoch 
that parties became gradually disunited, and that the two 
classes hostile to the revolution prepared the elements of civil 
and foreign war. 



88 



The French Revolution 



CHAPTER IV 

FROM APRIL, I791, TO THE 30TH SCPTEHBER. THE END OF THE 
CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY 

The French revolution was to change the political state nf 
Europe, to terminate the strife of kings among themselves, and 
to commence that between kings and people. This wouM have 
taken place much later had not the km^ themselves provoked 
it. They sought to suppress the revolution, and ihey extended 
it ; for by attacking it they were to render it victorious. Europe 
had then arrived at the term of the political system which 
swayed it. The political activity of the several states after 
being internal under the feudtd government, had become 
extenial under the monarchical government. The first period 
terminated almost at the same time among all the great nations 
of Europe. Then kings who had so long Men at war with their 
vassals, because they were in contact with them, encountered 
each other on the boundaries of their kingdoms, and fou(^t. 
As no domination could become universal, neither that of 
Chules V. nor that of Louis XIV., the weak always uniting 
against the strong, after several vicissitudes of superiority and 
aUiance, a sort of EuropNcan equilibrium was established. In 
order to appreciate ulterior events, I propose to consider this 
equilibrium before the revolution. 

Austria, England, and France had been, from the peaco of 
Westphalia to the middle of the eighteenth century, the three 
great powers of Europe. lnt"est had leagued the two first 
against the third. Austria had reason to dread the influence of 
France in the Netherlands; England feared it on the sea. 
Rivalry of power and commerce often set them at variance, 
and they sought to weaken or plunder each other. Spain, 
since a prince of the house of Bourbon had been on the throne, 
was the ally of France against England. This, however, was a 
fallen power: confined to a comer of the continent, oppressed 
by the system of Philip II., deprived by the Family Compact 
of the only enemy that could keep it in action, by sea only had 
it retained any of its ancient superiority. But France had other 
allies on all sides of Austria: Sweden on the north; Poland 
and the Porte on the east; in the south of Germany, Bavaria; 



Condition of Europe 



89 



Pnusia on the west; and in Italy, the kingdom of Naples. 
ii»«ae powers, having reason to dread the encroachments 
of Austria, were naturally the allies rf her enemy. Piedmont, 
placed between the two systems of alliance, sided, according 
to circumstances and its interests, with either. Holland 
was uniurf with England or with France, as the party of 
the stadtholders or that of the people prevailed in the 
republic. Switzerland was neutral. 

In the last half of the eighteenth century, two powers had 
risen m the .lorth, Russia and PrussU, The latter had been 
cnanged from a simple electorate into an important kinudom 
by Frederick-William, who had given it a treasWlSd « S^y J 
and by his son Frederick the Great, who had made use of these 
to extend his territory. Russia, long unconnected with the other 
states, had been more especially mtroduced into the politics 
of Europe by Peter I. and Catharine II. The accession of these 
two powers considerably modified the ancient alliances. In 
concert with the cabinet of Vienna, Russia and Prussia had 
executed Uie first petition of Poland in 177a; and after the 
death of Frederick the Great, the empress Catharine and the 
emperor Joseph united in 1785 to effect that of European Turkey 
pe cabmet of Versailles, weakened since the imprudent and 
unfortunate Seven Years' War, had assisted at the partition of 
Fotand without opposmg it, had raised no obstacle to the fall 
of the Ottoman empffe, and even allowed its ally, the republican 
party m Holland, to sink under the blows of Prussia and England 
without assisting it. The latter powers had in 1787 re^stab-' 
Mied by force the hereditary stodtholderate of the United 
provinces. The only act which did honour to French policy 
was the support it had happUy given to the emancipation of 
North America. TTje revolution of 1789, while extending the 
moral influence of France, diminished stiU more its diplomatic 
mnuence. 

England, under the government of young Pitt, was alarmed 
m 1788 at the ambitious projects of Russia, and united with 
HoUand a,nd Prussia to put an end to them. Hostilities were 
on the point of commencmg when the emperor Joseph died, in 
February, 1790, and was succeeded by Leopold, who in Tulv 
accqrted the convention of Reichenbach. This convention, 
by the mediation of England, Russia, and HoUand, settled 
the twms of the peace between Austria and Turkey, which was 
signed definitively, on the 4th of August, 1791, at Sistova; it 
at the same tune provided for the pacification of the Netherlands 



9° 



The French Revolution 



Urged by Englap'1 and Prussia, Catharine II. also made peace 
wiUi the Poirte at Jassy, on the 39th of December, 1791. These 
neg;otiations, and the treaties they gave rise to, terminated the 
political struggles of the eighteenth century, and left the powers 
free to turn their attention to the French Revolution. 

The princes of Europe, who had hitherto had no enemies but 
themselves, viewed it in the light of a common foe. The ancient 
relations of war and of alliance, already overlooked during the 
Seven Years' War, now ceased entirely: Sweden united with 
Russia, and Prussia with Austria. There was nothing now but 
the kings on one side, and people on the other, waiting for the 
auxiliaries which its example, or the faults of princes might give 
it. A general coalition was soon formed against the French 
revolution. Austria engaged in it with the hope of aggrandize- 
ment, England to avenge the American war, and to preserve 
itself from the spirit of the revolution; Prussia to strengthen 
the threatened absolute power, and profitably to engage its 
unemployed army; the German states to restore feudal rights 
to some of their members who had been deprived of them, by 
the abolition of the old r^ime in Alsace; the kin^ of Sweden, 
who had constituted himself the champion of arbitrary power, 
to re-establish it in France, as he had just done in his own 
country; Russia, that it might execute without trouble the 
partition of Poland, while the attention of Europe was directed 
elsewhere; finally, all the sovereigns of the house of Bourbon, 
from the interest of powt.r and family attachments. The 
emigrants encouraged them in these projects, and excited them 
to invasion. According to them, France was without an army, 
or at least without leaders, destitute of money, given up to 
disorder, weary of the assembly, disposed to the ancient r^ime, 
and without either the means or the inclination to defend itself. 
They flocked in crowds to take a share in the promised short 
campaign, and formed into organized bodies under the prince 
de Cond^, at Worms, and the count d'Artois, at Coblentz. 

The count d'Artois especially hastened the determination of 
the cabinets. The emperor Leopold was in Italy, and the count 
rt »ired to him, with Calonne as minister, and the count 
Alphonse de Durfort, who had been his mediator with the court 
of the Tuileries, and who had brought him the king's authority 
to treat with Leopold. The conference took place at Mantua, 
and the count de Durfort returned, and delivered to Louis XVI. 
in the name of the emperor, a secret declaration, in which was 
announced to him the speedy assistance of the coalition. Austria 



Escape of the Royal Family 91 

was to advance thirty-five thousand men on the frontier of 
*landen; the German sUtes, fifteen thousand on Alsace; the 
Swiss, fifteen thousand on the Lyonese frontier; the kins of 
Sardinia, fifteen thousand on that of Dauphini; Spain «na to 
augment its army m Catalonia to twenty thousand; Prussia 
was well disposed m favour of the coalition, and the kine of 
England was to take part in it as elector of Hanover. All these 
troops were to move at the same time, at the end of July; the 
house of Bourbon was then to make a protest, and the b^wen 
were to publish a manifesto; until then, however, it was essential 
to keep the design secret, to avoid all partial insurrection, and 
to make no attempt at flight. Such was the result of the 
conferences at Mantua on the aoth May, 1791. 

Louis XVI., either from a desire not to place himself entirely 
at the mercy of foreign powers, or dreading the ascendency 
which the count d'Artois, should he return at the head of the 

hl^ilTK, Tif™"*',' *°1'''' "*""■"* °^" he government he 
„!n. f*D -m' J"!^*?*"^ restonng the government alone. In 
general BouilK he had a devoted and skUful partisan, who at 
the same time condemned both emigration and the assembly, 
and promised him refuge and support in his army. For some 
time i«st a secret correspondence had taken place between him 

H. . Kr '!?!i ^""""^ P'*P""'' everything to receive him. 
He established a camp at Montmedy, under the pretext of a 
movement of hostile troops on the frontier; he placed det«ch- 
mmts on the route the king was to take, to serve him for escort. 
!Si^'.u J"?*"* "^ necessary for these arrangements, he 
rf Ae troo P™**'^'"8 *he money despatched for the payiient 

aJ^I ™^"' '*?"'y °" '** ''*^e ""Sde every preparation for 
dqwrture; very few persons were informed of it, and no measures 
betrayed it. Louis XVI. and the queen, on the contr^J^ 
pursued a Ime of conduct calculated to sOence suspicion: and 
on the night of the 20th of June, they issued at the appointed 
hour from the chateau, one by one, in disguise. In tWs way 
tiiey eluded the vigUance of the guard, reached the Boulevard 
where a carriage awaited them, and took the road to Chalons 
and Montmedy. 

On the following day the news of this escape threw Paris 
mto consternation; mdignation soon became the prevaUinjr 
switiment; crowds assembled, and the tumult mcreased! 
Those who had not prevented the flight were accused of favour- 
mg It. Neither Bailly nor Lafayette escaped the general mis- 



92 



The French Revolution 



tnut. This event wm considered the precursor of the invuioa 
(rf Fnuice, the triumph of the emignnts, the return ol the 
ancient regime, and a long civil war. But the conduct of the 
assembly soon restored the public mind to calmness and security. 
It took every measure which so difficult a conjuncture required. 
It summonM the ministers and authorities to its bar; odmed 
the people by a proclamation; used proper precautions to 
secure public tranquillity; seized on the executive power, 
commissioned Hontmorin, the minister of foreign afhirs, to 
inform the European powen of its pacific intentions; sent com- 
missioners to secure the favour of the troops, and receive their 
oath, no longer made in the name of the king, but in that of the 
assembly, and lastly, issued an order through the departments 
for the arrest of any one attempting to leave the kingdom. 
" Thus, in less than four hours," says the marquis d« Ferritrei, 
" the assembly was invested with every kind of power. The 
government went on; public tranquillity did not experience 
the slightest shock; and Paris and France learned from this 
experience, so fatal to royalty, that the monarch is almost 
always a stranger to the government that exists in his name." 

Meantime Louis XVI. and his family were drawing near the 
termination of their journey. The success of the first days' 
journeys, the increasing distance from Pa-is, rendered the kmg 
less reserved and more confident; he had the imprudence to 
show himself, was recognised, and arrested at Varennes on the 
9ist. The national guard were under arms instantly; the 
officers of the detachments posted by Bouill^ sought in vain to 
rescue the king; the dragoons and hussars feared or refused to 
support them. Bouill6, apprised of this fatal event, hastened 
himself at the head of a raiment of cavalry. But it was too 
late; on reaching Varennes, he found that the king had left it 
several hours before; his squadrons were tired, and refused to 
advance. The national guard were on all sides under arms, 
and after the failure of his enterprise, he had no alternative but 
to leave the army and quit France. 

The assembly, on hearing of the king's arrest, sent to 
him, as commissioners, three of its members. Potion, Latour- 
Maubourg, and Bamave. They met the royal family at Epemay 
and returned with them. It was during this journey, that 
Bamave, touched by the good sense of Louis XVI., the fascinar 
tions of Marie Antoinette, and the fate of this fallen family, 
conceived for it an earnest mterest. From that day he gave it 
his assiduous counsel and support. On reaching Paris the royal 



The King Provisionally Suspended 93 

pwty pMMd through an inunenie crowd, which cxpraued 
neither apphiuse nor murmurs, but observed a reproadiful 
s3ence. 

The king was provisionally suspended: he had had a guard 
set over him, as had the queen; and commissioners were 
appointed to question him. Agiution pervaded all parties. 
Some desired to retain the king on the throne, notwithstanding 
his flight; others mainuined, that he had abdicated by 
condemning, in a manifesto addressed to the French on his 
departure, both the revolution, and the acts which had emanated 
from him durmg that period, which he termed a time of cap vity. 

The republican party now began to appear. Hitherto it had 
remained either dependent or hidden, because it had been 
without any existence of its own, or because it wanted a pretext 
for displaymg itself. The struggle, which lay at first between 
the assembly and the court, then between the constitutionalists 
and the aristocrats, and latterly among the constitutionalists 
themselves, was now about to commence between the con- 
stitutionalists and the republicans. In times of revolution such 
is the inevitable coune of events. The partisans of the order 
newly established then met and renounced differences of opinion 
which were detrimental to their cause, even while the assembly 
was all powerful, but which had become highly perilous, now 
that the emigration party threatened it on the one hand, and 
the multitude on the other. Hirabeau was no more. The 
Centre, on which this powerful man had relied, and which 
constituted the least ambitious portion of the assembly, the 
most attached to principles, might by joining the Lameths, 
re-establish Louis XVI. and constitutional monarchy, and 
present a formidable opposition to the popular ebullition. 

This alliance took place; the Lameth party came to an 
understanding with Andri and the principal members of the 
Centre, made overtures to the court, and opened the club of the 
Feuillants in opposition to that of the Jacobins. But the 
latter could not want leaders; under Mirabeau, they had con- 
tended against Mounier; under the Lameths against Mirabeau; 
under Petion and Robespierre, they contended against the 
Lametlis. The party which desired a second revolution had 
constantly supported the most extreme actors in the revolution 
already accomplished, because this was bringing within its reach 
the struggle and the victory. At this period, from subordinate 
it had become independent; it no longer fought for others and 
for opinions not its own, but for itself, and under its own banner. 



94 



The French Revolution 



The court, by iti multiplied iauitt, iti impruden': nutchiiuitioM, 
and, iMtly, by the flight of the monarch, had given it a sort ot 
authority to avow its object; and the Ijuneths, by forsaking it, 
had left it to its true leaders. 

The Lameths, in their turn, underwent the reproaches of the 
multitude, which saw only their alliance with the court, without 
examining its conditions. But supported by all the constitu- 
tionalists, they were strongest in the assembly ; and they found 
it essential to establish the king as soon as possible, in order 
to ' a stop to a controversy which threatened the new order, 
by aui.iorizmg the public party to demand the abolition of the 
royal power while its suspension lasted. The commissioners 
appointed to interrogate Louis XVI. dictated to him a declara- 
tion, which they presented in his name to the assembly, and 
which modified the injurious effect of his flight. The reporter 
declared, in the name of the seven committees entrustea with 
the examination of this great question, that there were no 
grounds for bringing Louis XVL to trial, or for pronouncing his 
dethronement. The discussion which followed this report wai 
long and animated; the efforts of the republican party, not- 
withttanding their pertinacity, were unsuccessful. Most of 
their orators spoke; they demanded deposition or a regency; 
that is to say, popular government, or an approach towards it. 
Bamave, after meeting all thrir argumenti, finished his speech 
with these remarkable words: " Regenerators of the empire, 
follow your course without deviation. You have proved that 
you had courage to destroy the abuses of power; you have 
proved that you possessed all that was requisite to substitute 
wise and good institutions in their place; prove now that you 
have the wisdom to protect and maintain these. The nation 
has just given a great evidence of its strength and courage; 
it hu displayed, soliimnly and by a spontaneous movement, all 
that it could oppose to the attacks which threatened it. Continue 
the same precautions; let our boundaries, let our frontiers be 
powerfully defended. But while we manifest our power, let 
us also prove our moderation; let us present peace to the world, 
alarmed by the events which take place amongst us; let us 
present an occasion for triumph to all those who in foreign lands 
have taken an interest in our revolution. The; cry to us 
from all parts: you are powerful; be wise, be moderate, therein 
will lie your highest glory. Thus will you prove that in various 
circumstances you can employ various means, talents, and 
virtues." 



Restoration of Order 95 

The auembly lidtd with Bwiuve. But to pacify the people. 
Md to provide for the future safety of Fnuice, it dettt^tLt 
the king ihould be considered u abdicating, i, lotto, if he 
retracted the oath he had taken to the constitution; if he 
neaded an army for the purpose of making war upon the nation, 
or permitted any one to do so in his name; and that, in such 
case, become a sunple cituen, he would cease to be inviolable 
SdioSt? '**P°"*''''« '°' «c" committed subsequent to his 

1«hII^'**,^'' that this decree was adopted by the assembly, the 
taders of the republion party exciteef the multitude agaihst it. 
^Ia ^] "> wh'ch >t sat was surrounded by the national 
guard, and it could not be assailed or intimidated. The aeiutort 
unable to prevent the passing of the decree, aroused the people 
against it. TTiey drew up a petition, in which they denied the 
competency of the assembly; appealed from it to the sovereignty 
of the nation treated Louis X^I. as deposed since his flfght, 
uid demanded a substitute for him. This petition, drawn up 
byBnssot, author of the PalnoU Fratifais, and president of the 
ComtU dts -iechmlus of Paris, was carried, on the i7t.i of July, 
to the alt-r of the country in the Champ de Mars: an hnmense 
crowd flocked to sign it. The assembly, apprized of what was 
taking place, summoned the wmicipal authorities to its bar 
and directed them to preserve the public tranquillity. Lafayette 
inarched agamst the crowd, and in the first instance succeeded 
m dispersing it without bloodshed. The municipal officers 
took up their quarters in the Invalides; but the same day the 
crowd returned m greater numbers, and with more determi..a- 
tion. Danton and Camille Desmoulins harangued them from 
the altar of the country. Two Invalides, supposed to be spies, 
were massacred and their heads stuck on pikes. The insurrection 
b«ame alarming Lafayette again repaired to the Champ de 
Mars, at the head of twelve hundred of the national guard. 
Bailly accompanied him, and had the red banner unfurled, 
ine ci iwd was then summoned to disperse in the name of the 
law; It refused to retu-e, and, contemning authority, shouted, 
Down with the red flag!" and assailed the national guard 
with stones. Lafayette ordered his men to fire, but in the air. 
The crowd wai not mtimidated with this, and resumed the 
attack; compelled by the obstinacy of the insurgents, Lafayette 
then ordered another discharge, a real and effective one. The 
terrified multitude fled, leaving many dead on the field. The 
disturbances now ceased, order was restored; but blood had 



96 



The French Revolution 



flown, and the people never forgave Bailly or Lafayette the 
cruel necessity to which the crowd had driven them. This 
was a regular combat, in which the republican party, not as 
yet sufficiently strong or established, was defeated by the 
constitutional monarchy party. The attempt of the Qiamp 
de Mars was the prelude of the popular movements which led 
to the loth of August. 

While this was passing in the assembly and at Paris, the 
emigrants, whom the fl^ht of Louis XVI. had elated with 
hope, were thrown into consternation at his arrest. Monsieur, 
who had fled at the same time as his brother, and with better 
fortune, arrived alone at Brussek with the powers and title of 
regent. The emigrants thenceforth relied only on the assistance 
of Europe; the officers quitted their colours; two hundred and 
ninety members of the assembly protested against its decrees; 
in order to legitimatize invasion, Bouilli wrote a threatening 
letter, in the inconceivable hope of intimidating the assembly, 
and at the same time to take upon himself the sole responsibility 
of the flight of Louis XVI.; finally, the emperor, the king of 
Prussia, and the count d'Artois met at Pilnitz, where they made 
the famous declaration of the ayth of August, preparatory to 
the invasion of France, and which, far from improving the 
condition of the king, would have imperilled him, had not the 
assembly, in its wisdom, continued to follow out its new designs, 
regardless at once of the clamours of the multitude at home, and 
the foreign powers. 

In the declaration of Pilnitz, the sovereigns considered the 
cause of Louis XVI. as their own. They required that he should 
be free to go where he pleased, that is to say, to repair to them; 
that he should be restored to his throne; that the assembly 
should be dissolved, and that the princes of the empire having 
possessions in Alsace, should be reinstated in their feudal rights. 
In case of refusal, they threatened France with a war in which 
all the powers who were guarantees for the French monarchy 
would concur. This declaration, so far from discouraging, only 
served to irritate the assembly and the people. Men asked one 
another, what right the princes of Europe had to interfere in the 
government of France; by what right they gave orders to a 
great people, and imposed conditions upon it; and since the 
sovereigns appealed to force, the people of France prepared to 
resist them. The frontiers were put in a state of defence; a 
hundred thousand men of the national guard were enrolled, and 
they awaited in cahn serenity the attack of the enemy, well 



Revision of the Constitution 97 

conviiiced that the French people, on their own soil and in . 
state of revolution, would be invincible. 
.i^^"^'' *•*' *t"'°Wy approached the close of its labours- 
civU relations, public taxation, the nature of crimes, ihe!; 
prosecution, and their punishment, had been by it « 'w^/y 

Z^t^ % ^^iVlf ^u"'" ?"'* constitutional relations of the 
country. Equality had been introduced into the laws of inherit! 
ance mto .taxation and into punishments; nothing remained 
but to unite all the constitutional decrees into a body and 
submit them to the king for his approval. The assembly ^ 
growmg weary of its labours and of iu dissensions; the iople 

£v^;-r-°J"/"*r-'' '1' ^T"' '"'^ °f 'hat which conSs 
beyond a certain time, desired a new national represention; the 

Z\7^Ta °' '^ Tt?'""^ =°"«K«' *« th-'^fo" fixed for 
««^w T'*- Unfortunately, the members of the present 
«sembly could not form part of the succeeding one; this had 

™«t.t'"ll'' ^^"'^ M ' ^'^' *" '^"^"n*^- ^n this importSt 
question, the assembly had been drawn away by the rivalry 
of some, the disinterestedness of others, the desire for anarchy 
on the part of the aristocrats, and of domination on that of the 
repubhcans. Vamly did Duport exclaim: " WhUe ever^ one 

IhL t-u ^ "^ '^° " P™"P'« °f govermnent? Is France 
whose children are so ardent and changeable, to be exposed ^ei^ 
two years to a revolution in her laws and opLiions?^? Thi^ wm 
the desire of the privUeged classes and the Ja , btas, though ^tt 

w^Xir'Zr '" ""l^r"^ "H^""'' 'he constituent^i^S 
WM deceived or overruled; when the ministry was in Question 
It decided, m opp^ ition to Mirabeau, that no Lp^ty could hTd 
office; on the subject of re-election, it decided, iA op^siUon 
to Its own members, that it could not take plac^; in ?he s^" 

offered them by the prmce. This mania of disinterestedness 

soon induced Lafayette to divest himself of the coSmS of the 

national guard, and BaiUy to resign the mayoralty TT?usthk 

''^ CO L*r' Tr'' """'.hilfTed the consthuent^y "^ 

led^o the HpZf •*?' ^n*'''"*'""^ ^'""^ i"'" »"* body 
ted to the Idea of revising them. But this idea of revision Rave 

desirable to render the constitution more aristocratic by after 

»r"' To'lt-tTh '""'''' "?°""' ^^""'^'^ ■' '» he made mo e 
^eHm, n„.^* '^^ sovereignty of the nation, and, at the 
same tmie, not to overlook it, the assembly declared that France 



98 



The French Revolution 



had a right to revise iu constitution, but that it was prudent 
not to exercise this right for thirty years. 

The act of the constitution was presented to the king by sixty 
deputies; the suspension being taken off, Louis XVI. resumed 
the exercise of his power; and the guard the law had given him 
was placed under his own command. Thus restored to freedom, 
the constitution was submitted to him. After examining it for 
several days, " I accept the constitution," he wrote to the 
assembly; " I engage to maintain it at home, to defend it from 
all attacks from abroad; and to cause its execution by all the 
means it places at my dUposal. I declare, that bemg informed 
of the attachment of the great majority of the people to Uie 
constitution, I renounce my claim to assist in the work, and that 
being responsible to the nation alone, no other person, now that 
I have made thb renunciation, has a righi. to complain.' 

This letter excited general approbation. Lafayette demanded 
and procured an amnesty in favour of those who were under 
prosecution for favouring the king's flight, or for proceedmgs 
against the revolution. Next day the king came in person to 
accept the constitution in the assembly. The populace attended 
him thither with acclamations; he was the object of the enthu- 
siasm of the deputies and spectators, and he regained that day 
the confidence and affection of his subjects. The 29th of 
September was fixed for the closing of the assembly; the kmg 
was present; his speech was often interrupted by applause, and 
when he said, " For you, gentlemen, who during a long and 
arduous career have displayed such indefatigable zeal, there 
remains one duty to fulfil when you have returned to your homes 
over the country: to explain to your fellow-citizens the true 
meaning of the laws you have made for them; to counsel 
those who slight them; to clarify and unite all opinions by 
the example you shall afford of your love of order, and of sub- 
mission to the laws." Cries of " Yes! yes! " were uttered by 
all the deputies with one common voice. " I rely on your bemg 
the interpreters of my sentiments to your feUow-citizens. 
" Yes ' yes ! " " Tell them all that the king will always be then- 
first and most faithful friend; that he needs their love; that he 
can only be happy with them and by their means; the hope of 
contributing to their happiness will sustain my courage, as the 
satisfaction of having succeeded wiU be my sweetest recompense. 

" It is a speech worthy of Henry IV.," said a voice, and the 
king left the hall amidst the loudest testimonials of love. 
Then Thouret, in a '.oud voice, and addressing the people, 



Nature of the Constitution 99 

f!!?^J^K A Th« ~?*t'tMent assembly proncnnces its mission 
accomplBhed, and that its sittings now te.minate." TTius 
closed this first and glonous assembly of the nation. It was 
courageous mtelLgent, just, and had but one passion-a passion 
I?»K • J ".accomplished, in two years, by its efforteTand 
with indefatigable perseverance, the greatest revolution ever 
witnessed by one generation of men. Amidst its labours, it 
repressed despotism and anarchy, by frustrating the conspira- 
cies of the aristocracy and maintaining the multitude in subor- 
dination. Its only fault was that it did not confide the guidance 
of the revolution to those who were its authors; it divested 
teelf of power, like those legislators of antiquity who exiled 
Aemselves from their country after -iving it a constitution. 
A new assembly did not apply itself to consolidating its work, 
and the revolutic „ which ought to have been finished, was 
recommenced. ' 

The constitution of 1791 was based on principles adapted to 
the ideas and situation of France. This constitution was the 

knni, .i "JJ''^'' "'^''i **"*" ^^^ strongest; for, as is well 
Lnown, the predommant force ever takes possession of institu- 

to ™rr- " ^ T^ *° T """ '''°"''' " '^ despotism; when 
L ttT,^; >s privUege; when to all, it is right; this last state 

attaWH t' fl " *^ ?"«^".: °* '"""y- ^"^^ had at length 
attamed It, after passmg through feudalism, which was the 
aristocratic institution, and absolute power, which was the 

dt'JZf'f ^'"h T"*!.-"- ^''"^'J'y ^'^ consecrated among the 
we^t^'K. :?*'T''°" recognised among the powers; such 
were to be, under the new system, the condition of men, iid the 
form of government. ' 

In this constitution the people was the source of all powers 
but It exercised none; it was entrusted only with electiohin the 
first instance, and its magistrates were selected by men chosen 
from among the enlightened portions of the communky.^e 
latter constituted the assembly, the law courts, the public offices 
the corporations the militia, and thus possessed all?he forcS 
aU the power of the state. It alone was fit to exercise them 

Sve^menT 'A^ *'' 'T'^'^""^ "'=<=«'''^^ ">' »"« -"d-t 
to^i^^Z ■ P*°P'' "^^ ""' y*' sufficiently advanced 

h?KnT'"P^'^"J"'"'*'l"""*'y'''"^<'nly''y^^^ident,and 
^. K most casual and evanescent manner, that Jiower fell into 
Its hands; but it received civic education, and >ias disciplined 
to govermnent in the primary assemblies, IccordTng to tKe 
aim of society, which is not to confer its advantageVw a part- 



100 The French Revolution 

monv on one particular class, but to make all share in them, 
when ^U ^e capable of acquiring them. This was the lead^ 
^acteristic of the constitution of 1791; ^ «»*' ^l "^^f**?; 
S" om«tent to enjoy the right, he w;as aamitted to .t;jt 
Sed°Xits with the extensfon of civiK.at.on whjch ev^ 
dav calls a greater number of men to the admmistration of lie 
stite In this way it had established true equality, whose r«d 
ch^er is admissibility, as that of inequality is exc usion. In 
^tag ^wS transferable by election, it made it a pubhc 
m^tracyV whilst privilege, in rendering it hereditary by 
transmission, makes it private property. 

The constitution of 1791 established homogeneous powere 
whid^ comsponded among themselves, and thus reciprocally 
^sSIined e^h other; still, it must be confessed the roya^ 
authority was too subordinate to popular power. It ^ never 
otherwis^: sovereignty, fron. whatever source derjv^, pv^ 
itMlf a feeble counterpo se when it limits itself. A constitueni 
Nimbly enfeebles ro^lty ; a king who is a legislator Imiits the 

P-^^Tc^^^itt^nTJTh^wever less democratic than tUt of 

f4^t1ltSry:^r^vi^"h^t^"^ 
ti^Tbutt^eassenT which tLy obtain or the d-ssent jrhiA 
thev excite which permits or hinders their establishment. In 
ScoinCatter arevolution of independence, a. m Arn^^, 
^y constitution is possible; there is but one hostUe party 
that of the metropolis, and when that is overcome, the struggle 
*^s becaui defeat leads to its expulsion. It is not so with 
S evolutions amongnationswhohavelongbeeninex,st«^^ 

Chanees attack interests, interests form parties, pa^ies alter 
teio TntSt, and the more victory spread the greater grows 
f„nn.^tinn This is what happened in France. The work of the 
cKeni .S^mbirperish^eS less from its defects than from 
ftfaS of faction.*^ Placed between the ar^tocracy and the 
muCde, it was attacked by the one and invaded by the oth«. 
The latter would not have become sovereign, had not civil war 
L fte o^eign coalition called for its intervention and aid 
To defend the country, it became necessary that it should 
ffovem it- then it effected its revolution, as the middle class 
hadXted its own. It had its 14th of T-ily m Ae loth of 
AuJstite constituent assembly, the convention; its govem- 
meS which wJTthe committee of pubUc safety; yet, as we 
Ssetwrthout emigration there would have been no republic. 



THE NATIONAL LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 



CHAPTER V 

FROM THE 1ST OF OCTOBER, 1791, TO THE IIST OF 
SEPTEMBER, 1 792 

The new assembly opened its session on the ist October, 1701 
It declared itself immediately the national Ugislative assetMy 
From Its first appearance, it had occasion to display its attach- 
ment to the actual state of things, and the respect it felt for the 
authors of French liberty. The book of the constitution was 
sole .. dy presented to it by the archivist Camus, accompanied 
by twelve of the oldest members of the national representation 
The assembly received the constitutional act standine and 
micovered, and on it took the oath, amidst the acclamations of 
the people who occupied the tribunes, " to live free or perish 1 " 
A vote 01 thanks was given by it to the members of the consti- 
tuent assembly, and it then prepared to commence its labours 
But Its first relations with the king had not the same character 
of umon and confidence. The court, doubtless hoping to regain 
under the legislative, the superior position which it had lost under 
the constituent assembly, did not employ sufficient management 
towards a suscq)tible and anxious popular authority, which was 
Aen considered the first of the state. The assembly sent a 
deputauon of sixty of its members to the king to announce its 
opemng. The kmg did not receive them in person, and sent 
word by the minister of justice that he could not give them 
audience tiU j)oon on the following day. This unceremonious 
dismissal, and the indirect communication between the national 
representatives and the prince, by mpins of a minister, hu,t the 
deputation excessively. Accordingly, when the audience took 
Pu 'Po^^l^'' *'"' ^^^^^ ^^^ deputation, said to him laconic- 
ally: Sire, the national legislative assembly is sitting: we are 
deputed to mform you of this," Louis XVI. replied ttill more 
drily: I cannot visit you before Friday." ' ib conduct of the 
court towards the assembly was impolitic, and little calculated 
to conciliate the affection of the people. 
The assembly approved of the cold manner assumed by the 



102 The French Revolution 

deputation, and soon indulged in an act of reprisal. The cere- 
mony with which the king was to be received among them was 
arranged according to preceding laws. A fauteuil in the form of 
a throne was reserved for him; they used towards him the 
titles of sire and majesty, and the deputies, standing and un- 
covered on his entrance, were to sit down, put on theu: hats, 
and rise again, following with deference all the movements ot 
the prince. Some restless and exaggerated minds considered 
this condescension unworthy of a sovereign assembly. T..e 
deputy Grangeneuve required that the words sire and majesty 
should be replaced by the " more constitutional and finer 
title of kirtg of the French. Couthon strongly enforced this 
motion, and proposed that a simple fauteuil should be assigned 
to the king, exactly like the president's. These motions exated 
some slight disapprobation on the part of a few members, but 
the greater number received them eagerly. " It gives me 
pleasure to suppose," said Guadet, " that the French people 
will always venerate the simple fauteuil upon which sits the 
president of the national representatives, much more than the 
gilded fauteuil where sits the head of the executive power. I 
will say nothing, gentlemen, of the titles of sire and majesty. It 
astonishes me to find the national assembly deliberating whether 
they shall be retained. The word sire signifies seigneur; it 
belonged to the feudal system, which has ceased to exist. As 
for the term majesty, it should only be employed m speaking of 
God and of the people." 

The previous question was demanded, but feebly; these 
motions were put to the vote, and carried by a considerable 
majority. Yet, as this decree appeared hostile, the constitu- 
tional opinion pronounced itself against it, and censured this too 
excessive rigour in the application of principles. On the follow- 
ing day those who had demanded the previous question moved 
that the decisions of the day before should be abandoned. A 
report was circulated, at the same time, that the king would not 
enter the assembly if the decree were maintained; and the decree 
was revoked. These petty skirmishes between two powers who 
had to fear usurpations, assumptions, and more especially ill 
will between them, terminated here on this occasion, and all 
recollection of them was effaced by the presence of Louis XVI. 
in the legislative body, where he was received with the greatest 
respect and the most lively enthusiasm. 

General pacification formed the chief topic of hus speech. He 
pointed out to the assembly the subjects that ought to attract 



The National Legislative Assembly 103 

i!fi5"^*'°1'"::*™'""' "'''' '**> wmmerce, trade, and the con- 
nt^n.?.^' *»* new govermnent; he promised io employ^ 
mfluence to restore order and discipline in the army, to put 4e 
kmgdom m a state of de ence, and to diffuse ideas rwpecfing Se 
ftench revolution calculated to re-establish a good undentond- 

,^e,v.H^"-T- ?' ""^^"^ '^' '""""^ ^"V whic^ were 
imno^nH^'"""' ^PPn"'''^ " Gentlemen, in order that your 
unportont labours, as well as your zeal, may produce all the good 
which may be expected from them, a constant harmony and 
=^ST*J!?^ confidence should reign between the legislative body 
and the king TTie enemies of our peace seek but too eagerly to 
disunite us. but let love of countr^ cement our unionTd le? 
public interest make us inseparable! Thus public po;er may 
develop Itself without obstacle; government Jill not be han.^ 
^LJ^'JL i ''* possessions and faith of each will be equally 
protected, and no pretext will remain for any one to live apart 
from a country where the laws are in vigour, and where the rights 
of all are respected." Unfortunately there were two c^sJ^ 
without the revolution, that would not enter into comjS^n' 
with It, and whose efforts m Europe and the interior of ftance 
were to prevent the realization of these wise and pacific w^i 
A. soon as there are displaced parties in a state, a'^^Te ^u" 
result and measures of hostility must be -^ken against them 
Accordingly, the internal troubles, fomented bTnon-S 

fV„?^.f ♦., .u°*'*'°"' '"J"" '^'■°^« *he legislative assembly 
pr^osed <=°"=t't"tion allowed, and than it iteelf had 

The composition of this assembly was completely popular. 
The prevaUmg Ideas being in favour of the revolution, the court 

Z^X'^'^ t-'^K- ""^ "^"^j^''* "° ■"«"«"« over the dS: 
There were not m Ui.s assembly, as in the preceding, partisans o 
absolute power and of privilege. The two fractions of the Uft 
who had separated towards the close of the constituent assembly 

T™^ ^""^''u ^'^\'° **"; ''"t "° '°"g" in the »me 
proportion of number and strength. The popular minoritv of 
the previout assembly became the majority iS this.~ prt 
hibifaon apunst electing representatives already tried 'tii^ 

Sv thefconductT H° -"P"''^ '5°" *°^« ■"-* distinihed 
KlhTlpH .^';K°P'"'r' ^"d especially the active ii^uence 

known a; fn h ''!""■ °P"^°"' '""^ P*"i«^ '0°" b'^'ne 
known. As m the constituent assembly there was a Rieht a 

Centre, a Left, but of a perfectly different characTe^. ^ ' 



I04 The French Revolution 

The Right, composed of firm and absolute constitutionalists, 
composed the FeuiUant party. Its principal speakers were 
Dumas, Ramond, Vaublanc, Beugnot, etc. It had some rela- 
tions with the court, through Bamave, Duport, and Alexander 
Lameth, who were iu former leaders; but whose counsels were 
rarely followed by Louis XVI., who ^ave himself up with more 
confidence to the advice of those immediately around him. 
Out of doors, it supported itself on the club of the FeuUlants 
and upon the bourgeoisie. The national guard, the army, the 
directory of the department, and in general all the constituted 
authorities, were favourable to it. But this party, which no 
longer prevailed in the assembly, soon lost a post quite as 
esswitial, that of the municipaUty, which was occupied by lU 
adversaries of the Left. j u. v • »u. 

These formed the party called Girondist, and which m Uie 
revolution only formed an intermediate party between the middle 
class and the multitude. It had then no subversive project; 
but it was disposed to defend the revolution m every way, and 
in this differed from the c jnstitutionalists who would only defend 
it with the law. At its head were the brilliant orators of the 
Gironde,» who gave their name to the party, Vergniaud, Guadet 
Gensonn^, and the Provencal Isnard, who had a stvle of stiU 
more impassioned eloquence than theirs. Its chief leader was 
Brissot, who, a member of the corporation of Pans dunng_ s 
last session, had subsequentb jecome a member of the assembler. 
The opinions of Brissot, who dvocated a complete reform; his 
great activity of mind, which ne developed at once in the jounal 
the Patriate, in the tribune of the assembly, and at the club of the 
Jacobins; his exact and extensive knowledge of the posiUon of 
foreign powers, gave him great ascendancy at the moment of a 
struKgle between parties, and of a war with Europe. Condorcet 
possKsed influence of another description; he owed this to ha 
profound id»as, to his supenor reason, which almost procured 
him the place of SieyAs in this second revolutionary generation. 
Pftion, of a calm and determined character, was tiie active man 
of this party. His tranquil brow, his fluent elocution, his 
acquaintance with the people, soon procured for him we ™™"- 
psJ magistracy, which BaiUy had discharged for the middle class. 
The Left had in the assembly the nucleus of a party more 
extreme than itself, and the members of which, such as Chabot, 
Bazire, Merlin, were to the Girondists what Potion, Buzot, 
• The name of the river Garonne, after its confluence with the 
Dordogne. 



1 



The National Legislative Assembly 105 

Robespierre, had been to the Left of the constituent. This was 
the commencement of the democratic faction which, without 
served as auxiliary to the Gironde, and which managed the clubs' 
and the multitude. Robespierre in the society of the Jacobins 
where he established his sway after leaving the assembly- 
Danton, Camille Desmoulins, and Fabre-d'Eglantine at the 
Cordehers, where they had founded a club of innovators more 
ottreme than the Jacobins, composed of men of the bourgeoisie; 
the brewer Santerre in the faubourgs, where the popular power 
Uy; were the true chiefs of this faction, which depended on one 
whole class, and aspired at founding its own regime. 

The Centre of the legislative assembly was smcerely attached 
to the new order of things. It had almost the same opinions, the 
same inclinaUon for moderation as the Centre of the constituent 
assembly; but its power was very different: it was no longer 
at the head of a class established, and by the aid of which it could 
master all the extreme parties. Public dangers, making the 
want of exalted opinions and parties from without again felt 
completely annulled the Centre. It was soon won over to the 
strongest side, the fate of all moderate parties, and the Left 
swayed it. 

The situation of the assembly was very difficult. Its prede- 
cessor had left it parties which it evidently could not pacify 
From the beginning of the session it was obliged to turn its 
.. itention to these, and that in opposing them. Emigration 
WIS making an alarming progress: the king's two brothers, 
the pnnce de Condd and the duke de Bourbon, had protested 
agaast Louis XVI. accepting the constitutional act, that is, 
against the only means of accommodation; they had said that 
die kmg could not alienate the rights of the ancient monarchy 
and theu- protest, circulating throughout France, had produced 
\8rfiat effect on their partisans. Officers quitted the armies, 
the noMity their chateaux, whole companies deserted to enlist 
on the frontiers. Distaffs were sent to those who wavered • and 
those who did not emigrate were threatened with the loss of the 
position when the nobility should return victorious. In the 
Austrian Low Countries and the bordering electorates, there was 
formed what was caUed La France exterieure. The counter- 
revolution was openly preparing at Brussels, Worms, and 
Loblentz, under the protection and even with the assistance 
of foreign courts. The ambassadors of the emigrants were 
received, whUe those of the French government were dismissed, 
lU received, or even thrown into prison, as in the case of M 



io6 



The French Revolution 



Duveryer. French merclumts and travellers luipected of 
patriotism and attachment to the revolution were scouted 
throughout Europe. Several powers had declared themselvM 
without disguise: of this number were Sweden, Russia, and 
Spain; the latter at that time being governed by the marquis 
FlOTida-Blanca, a man entirely devoted to the emigrant party. 
At the same time, Prussia kept its army prepared for war: the 
lines of the Spanish and Sardinian troops increased on our Alpine 
and Pyrenean frontiers, and Gustavus was assembling a Swedish 

anny. , . ^ u- u • u* 

The dissentient ecclesiastics left nothing undone which might 
produce a diversion in favour of the emigrants athome. " Priests, 
and especially bishops," says the marquis de FerriAres, em- 
ployed all the resources of fanaticism to excite the people, in 
town and country, against the civil constitution of the clergy. ' 
Bishops ordered the priests no longer to perform divine service 
in the same church with the consUtutional priesU, for fear the 
people might confound the two. " Independently," he adds, 
'' of circular letters written to the cur^s, instructioas intended 
for the people were circulated through the country. They said 
that the sacraments could not be effectually administered by 
the constitutional priests, whom they called Intruders, and that 
every one attending their ministrations became by their presence 
guilty of a mortal sin ; that those who were married by Intruders, 
were not married; that they brought a curse upon themselves 
and upon their children; that no one should have communica- 
tion with them, or with those separated from the church; that 
the municipal officers who installed them, like them became 
apostates; that the moment of their installation all bell-nngers 
and sextons ought to resign their situations. . . . These fanati- 
cal addresses produced the effect which the bishops expected. 
Religious disturbances broke out on all sides.' 

Insurrection more especially broke out in Calvados, Gevaudan, 
and La Vendue. These districts were ill-disposed towards the 
revolution, because they contained few of the middle and 
intelligent classes, and because the populace, up to that time, 
had been kept in a state of dependence on the nobility and clergy. 
The Girondists, taking alarm, wished to adopt rigorous measures 
against emigration and the dissentient priesU, who attacked the 
new order of things. Brissot proposed putting a stop to emigra- 
tion, by giving up the mild system hitherto observed towards it. 
He divided the emigrants into three classes:— ist. The pnncipal 
leaders, and at their head the brothers of the king, andly. 



Measures against Emigration 107 

Public functionarief who fonook their poiu and country, and 
sought to entice their coUeaguei. jrdly. Private individual!, 
who, to preserve life, or from an aversion to the revolution, or 
from other motives, left their native land, without taking arms 
against it. He required that severe laws should be put in force 
against the first two classes; but thought it would be good 
policy to be indulgent towards the last. With respect to non- 
]urii4 ecclesiastics and agitators, some of the Girondists pro- 
posed to confine themselves to a stricter surveillance; others 
thought there was only one safe line of conduct to be pursued 
towards them: that the spirit of sedition could only be quelled 
by banishing them from the country. " All attempts at concilia- 
tion," said the impetuous Isnard, " will henceforth be in vain. 
What, I ask, has been the consequence of these reiterated 
pardons? The daring of your foes has increased with your 
mdulgence; they will only cease to injure you when deprived 
of the means of doing so. They must be conquerors or con- 
quered. On this point all must a^ree; the man who will not 
see this great truth is, in my opinion, politically blind." 

The constitutionalists were opposed to all these measures; 
they did not deny the danger, but they considered such laws 
arbitrary. They said, before everything it was necessary to 
respect the constitution, and from that time to confine them- 
selves to precautionary measures; that it was sufficient to keep 
on the defensive against the emigrants; and to wait, in order 
to punish the dissentient priests, till they discovered actual 
conspiracies on their part. They recommended that the law 
should not be violated even towards enemies, for fear that once 
engaging in such a course, it should be impossible to arrest that 
course, and so the revolution be lost, like the ancient r^me, 
through its injustice. But the assembly, which deemed tl,e 
safety of the state more important than the strict observance of 
the law, which saw danger in hesitation, and which, moreover, 
was influenced by passions which lead to expeditious measures, 
was not stopped by these considerations. With common con- 
sent it again, on the 30th of October, passed a decree relative 
to the eldest brother of the king, Louis-Stanislaus-Xa vier. This 
prince was required, in the terms of the constitution, to return 
to France in two months, or at the expiration of that period he 
would be considered to have forfeited his rights as regent. But 
agreement ceased as to the decrees against emigrants and priests. 
On the 9th of November the assembly resolved, that the French 
gathered together beyond the frontiers were suspected of con- 



io8 



The French Revolution 



iptracy against their country; that if they remained aiiembled 
on the lit of January, 1791, they would be treated ai coMpira- 
ton, be punishable by death, and that after condemnation to 
death for contumacy, the proceeds of their estates were to be 
confiscated to the nation, always without prejudic. to the righu 
of their wives, children, and lawful creditors. On the 19th of 
the same month it passed a similar decree respecting the dis- 
sentient priests. They were obliged to take the civic oath, 
under pam of being deprived of their pensions and suspected of 
revolt against the law. If they still refused they were to be 
closely watched; and if any religious disturbances took place 
in their parishes, they were to be taken to the chief town of the 
department, and if found to have taken any part in exciting 
disobedience, thev were liable to imprisonment. 

The king sanctioned the first decree respecting his brother; 
he put his veto on the other two. A short time before he had 
disavowed emigration by public measures, and he had written 
to the emigrant princes recalling them to the kingdom. He 
invited them to return in the name of the tranquillity of France, 
and of the atUchment and obedience they owed to him as their 
brother and their king. " I shall," said he, in concluding the 
letter, " always be grateful to you for saving me the necessity 
of acting in opposition to you, dirough the invariable resolution 
I have made to maintain what I have announced." These iris? 
invitations had led to no result: but Louis XVI., while he 
condemned the conduct of the emigrants, would not give his 
consent to the measures taken against them. In refusing his 
sanction he was supported by the friends of the constitution and 
the directory of the department. This support was not without 
use to him, at a time when, in the eyes of the people, he appeared 
to be an accomplice of emigration, when he p-~voked the dis- 
satisfaction of the Girondists, and separated himself from the 
assembly. He should have united closely with it, since he 
invoked the constitution against the emigrants in his letters, and 
against the revolutionist, by the exercise of his prerogative. 
His position could only become strong by sincerely falling in with 
the first revolution, and making his own cause one with that of 
the bourgeoisie. 

But the court was not so resigned; it still expected better 
times, and was thus prevented from pursuing an invariable line 
of conduct, and induced to seek grounds for hope in every 
quarter. Now and then disposed to favour the intervention 
of foreign powers, it continued to correspond with Europe; it 



The Girondists 



109 



iotrigued with its ministen against the popular party, and made 
uie of the Feuillanu apiainst the Girondiiu, though with much 
dittrust. At this period iu chief reiourcc wu in the petty 
schemes of Bertrand de Moleville, who directed the council; 
who bad esublished a Freneh club, the members of which he paid ; 
who purchased the appUuse of the tribunes of the assembly, 
hoping by this imitation of the revolution to conquer the true 
revolution, his object being to deceive parties, and annul the 
effects of the constitution by observing it literally. 

By this line of conduct the court had even the imprudence to 
weaken the constitutionalists, whom it ought to have reinforced ; 
at their expense it favoured the election of Potion to the mayor- 
alty. Through the disinterestedness with which the preceding 
assembly had been seized, all who had held popular posts under 
it successively gave them up. On the j8th of October, Lafay- 
ette resigned the command of the national guard, and Bailly 
had just retired from the mayoralty. The constitutional party 
proposed that Lafayette should replace him in this first post of 
the sute, which, by permitting or restraining insurrections, 
delivered Paris into the power of him who occupied it. Till then 
it had been in the hands of the constitutionalists, who, by this 
means, had repressed the rising of the Champ de Mars. They 
had lost the direction of the assembly, the command of the 
national guard; thejr now lost the corporation. The court 
gave to Potion, the Girondist candidate, all llie votes at its dis- 
posal. " M. de Lafayette," observed the queen to lertrand de 
Moleville, " only wishes to be mayor of Paris in order to become 
mayor of the palace. Pition is a jacobin, a republican, but he 
is a fool, incapable of ever leading a party." On the 4th of 
November, Potion was elected mayor by a majority of 6708 
votes in a total of 10,633. 

The Girondists, in whose favour this nomination became 
decisive, did not content themselves with the acquisition of the 
mayoralty. France could not remain long in this dangerous 
and provisional state. The decrees which, justly or otherwise, 
were to provide for the defence of the revolution, and which had 
been rejected by the king, were not replaced by any govern- 
ment measure; the ministry manifested either unwillingness or 
sheer indifference. The Girondists, accordingly, accused Deles- 
sart, the minister for foreign affairs, of compromising the honour 
and safety of the nation by the tone of his negotiations with 
foreign powers, by his procrastination, and want of skill. They 
also warmly attacked Duportail, the war minister, and Bertrand 



1 1 o The French Revolution 

de MoleviUe, minister of the marine, for neglecting to put the 
coasts and frontiers in a state of defence. The conduct of the 
Electors of Treves, Mayence, and the bishop of Spires, who 
favoured the military preparations of the emigrants, more 
especially excited the national indignation. The diplomatic 
committee proposed a declaration to the king, that the nation 
would view with satisfaction a requisition by him to the neigh- 
bouring princes to disperse the military gatherings within three 
weeks, and his assembling the forces necessary to make them 
respect international law. By this important measure, they 
also wished to make Loub XVI. enter into a solemn engagement, 
and signify to the diet of Ratisbon, as well as to the other courts 
of Europe, the firm intentions of France. 

Isnard ascended the tribune to support this proposition. 
" Let us," said he, " in this crisis, rise to the full elevation of our 
mission ; let us speak to the ministers, to the king, to all Europe, 
with the firmness that becomes us. Let us tell our ministers, 
that hitherto the nation is not well satisfied with the conduct 
of any of them; that henceforth they will have no choice but 
between public gratitude and the vengeance of the laws; and 
that by the word responsibility we understand death. Let us 
tell the king that it is his interest to defend the constitution; 
that he only reigns by the people and for the people; that the 
nation is his sovereign, and that he is subject to the law. Let 
us tell Europe, that if the French people once draw the sword, 
they will throw away the scabbard, and will not raise it again 
till it may be crowned with the laurels of victory ; that if cabinets 
engage kings in a war against the people, we will engage the 
people in a mortal warfare against kings. Let us tell them, that 
all the fights the people shall fight at the order of despots "— 
here he was interrupted by loud applause—" Do not applaud," 
he cried—" do not applaud; respect my enthusiasm; it is that 
of liberty I Let us say to Europe, that all the fights which the 
people shall fight at the conunand of despots, resemble the blows 
that two friends, excited by a perfidious instigator, inflict on 
each other in darkness. When light arrives, they throw down 
their arms, embrace, and chastise their deceiver. So will it be 
if, when foreign armies are contending with ours, the light of 
philosophy shine upon them. The nations will embrace in the 
presence of dethroned tyrants— of the earth consoled, of Heaven 
satisfied." 

The assembly unanimously, and with transport, passed tie 
proposed measure, and, on the jgth of November, sent a message 



The King and Emigration 1 1 1 

t« the king. Vaublanc was the leader of the deputation. " Sire," 
said he to Louis XVI., " the national assembly had scarcely 
glanced at the state of the nation ere it saw that the troubles 
which still agitate it arise from the criminal preparations of 
French emigrants. Their audacity is encouraged by German 
princes, who trample under foot the i.^utios between them and 
France, and affect to forget that < iiuy are irwlcb 1 1 to this empire 
for the treaty of Westphalia, whi' U S'cured thei' rights and their 
safety. These hostile preparatic r.' , these thi 3ats of invasion, 
will require armaments absorbing immtiisp sums, which the 
nation would joyfully pay over to its creditors. It is for you, 
sire, to make them desist; it is for you to address to foreign 
powers the language befitting the king of the French. Tell 
them, that wherever preparations are permitted to be made 
against France, there France recognises only foes ; that we will 
religiously observe our oath to make no conquests; that we 
offer them the good neighbourship, the inviolable friendship of 
a free and powerful people; that we will respect their laws, their 
customs, and their constitutions ; but that we will have our own 
respected 1 Tell them, that if princes of Germany continue to 
favour preparations directed against the French, the French 
will carry into their territories, not indeed fire and sword, but 
liberty. It is for them to calculate the consequences of this 
awakening of nations." 

Louis XVI. replied, that he would give the fullest considera- 
tion to the message of the assembly; and in a few days he came 
in person to announce his resolutions on the subject. They were 
conformable with the general wish. The king said, amidst 
vehement applause, that he would cause it to be declared to 
the elector of Treves and the other electors, that, unless all 
gatherings and hostile preparations on the part of the French 
emigrants in their states ceased before the isth of January, he 
would consider them as enemies. He added, that he would 
write to the emperor to engage him, as chief of the empire, to 
interpose his authority for the purpose of averting the calamities 
which the lengthened resistance of a few members of the Ger- 
manic body would occasion. " If these declarations are not 
heeded, then, gentlemen," said he, " it will only remain for me 
to propose war — ^war, which a people who have solemnly 
renounced conquest, never declares without necessity, but which 
a free and generous nation will undertake and carry on when its 
honour and safety require it." 

The steps taken by the king with the princes of the empire 



1 1 2 The French Revolution 

were supported by military preparations. On the 6th of 
December a new minister of war replaced Duportail; Narbonae, 
taken from the Feuillants, young, active, ambitious of dis- 
tinguishing himself by the triumph of his party and the defence 
of the revolution, repaired immediately to the frontiers. A 
hundred and fifty thousand men were placed in requisition; for 
this object the assembly voted an extraordinary supp^ of 
twenty millions of francs; three armies were formed under the 
command of Rochambeau, Luckner, and Lafayette; finally, a 
decree was passed impeaching Monsieur, the count d'Artois, 
and the prince de Condi as conspirators against the general 
safety of the state and of the constitution. Their property 
was sequestrated, and the period previously fixed on for Mon- 
siuer's return to the kingdom havmg expired, he was deprived 
of his claim to the regency. 

The elector of Treves engaged to disperse the gatherings, 
and not to allow them in future. It was, however, but the 
shadow of a dispersion. Austria ordered marshal Bender to 
defend the elector if he were attacked, and ratified the con- 
clusions of the diet of Ratisbon, which required the restoration 
of the princes' possessions; refused to sanction any pecuniary 
indemnity for the loss of their rights, and only left France the 
alternative of restoring feudalism in Alsace, or war. These 
two measures of the cabinet of Vienna were by no means pacific. 
Its troops advanced towards the frontiers of France, and gave 
further proof that it would not be safe to trust to its neutrality. 
It had fifty thousand men in the Netherlands; six thousand 
posted in Brebgau; and thirty thousand men on their way 
from Bohemia. This powerful army of observation might at 
any moment be converted into an army of attack. 

The assembly felt that it was urgently necessary to bring the 
emperor to a decision. It looked on the electors as merely his 
agents, and on the emigrants as his instruments; for the prince 
von Kaunitz recognised as legitimate " the league of sovereigns 
united for the safety and honour of crowns." The Girondists, 
therefore, wished to anticipate this dangerous adversary, in 
order not to give him time for more mature preparations. They 
required from him, before the loth of February, a definite and 
precise explanation of his real intentions with regard to France. 
They at the same time proceeded against those ministers on 
whom they could not rely in the event of war. The incapacity of 
Delessart, and the intrigues of Moleville especially, gave room 
for attack; Narbonne was alone spared. They were aided by 



A New Ministry Selected 



H3 



tht divisions of the council, which was partly aristocratic in 
Beitrand de Moleville, Delessart, etc., and partly constitutional, 
in Narbonne, and Cahier de Gerville, minister of the interior. 
Men so opposed in character and intentions could scarcely 
be expected to agree; Bertrand de Moleville had warm contests 
with Narbonne, who wished his colleagues to adopt a frank, 
decided line of conduct, and to make the assembly the fulcrum 
of the throne. Narbonne succumbed in this struggle, and his 
dismissal involved the disorganization of the ministry. The 
Girondists threw the blame upon Bertrand de Moleville and 
Delessart; the former had the address to exonerate himself; 
but the latter was brought before the high court of Orleans. 

The king, intimidated by the assaults of the assembly upon 
the members of his council, and more especially by the impeach- 
ment of Delessart, had no resource but to select his new ministers 
from amongst the victorious party. An alliance with the actual 
rulers of the revolution could alone save liberty and the throne, 
by restoring concord between the assembly, the supreme 
authority, and the municipahty; and if this union had been 
maintained, the Girondists would have effected with the court 
that which, after the rupture itself, they considered they could 
only effect without it. The members of the new ministry were : — 
minister of the marine, Lacoste; of finance, ClaviSre; of justice, 
Duranton; of war, de Grave, soon afterwards replaced by 
Servan; of foreign affairs, Dumouriez; of the interior, Roland. 
The two latter were the most important and most remarkable 
men in the cabinet. 

Dumouriez was forty-seven years of age when the revolution 
began; he had lived till then immersed in intrigue, and he 
retained his old habits too closely at an epoch when he should 
have employed small means only to aid great ones, instead of 
supplying their place. The first part of his political life was 
spent in seeking those by whom he might rise: the second, those 
by whom he mi^ht maintain his position. A courtier up to 
1789, a constitutionalist under the first assembly, a Girondist 
under the second, a Jacobin under the republic, he was eminently 
a man of circumstances. But he had all the resources of great 
men; an enterprising character, indefatigable activity, a ready, 
sure, and extensive perception, impetuosity of action, and an 
extraordinary confidence of success; he was, moreover, open, 
easy, witty, daring; adapted alike for arms and for fartions, 
full of expedients, wonderfully ready, and, in difficult positions, 
versed in the art of stooping to conquer. It is true that his 






114 The French Revolution 

great qualities were weakened by defects; he was rash, fli^bty, 
full of inconsistency of thought and action, owing to his contiiual 
thirst for movement and machination. But his great dtfect 
was the total absence of a political conviction. In tim«s of 
revolution, nothing cj«n be done for liberty or power by him who 
is not decidedly of one party or another, and when he is am- 
bitious, unless he see further than the immediate objects of that 
party, and have a stronger will than his colleagues. This it 
was made Cromwell; this it was made Buonaparte; while 
Dumouriez, the employed of all parties, tnought he could get 
the better of them all by intriguing. He wanted the passion 
of his time: that which completes a man, and alone enables 
him to sway. 

Roland was the opposite of Dumouriez; his was a character 
which Liberty found ready formed, as if moulded by herself. 
Roland had simple manners, austere morals, tried opinions; 
enthusiastically attached to liberty, he was capable of dis- 
interestedly devoring to her cause his whole life, or of perishing 
for her, without ostentation and without regret. A man worthy 
of being bom in a republic, but out of place in a revolution, and 
ill adapted for the agitation and struggle of parties; his talents 
were not superior, his temper somewhat uncompliant; he was 
unskilled in the knowledge and management of men ; and though 
laborious, well informed, and active, he would have produced 
little effect but for his wife. All he wanted she had for him; 
force, ability, elevation, foresight. Madame Roland was the 
soul of the Gironde; it was et her house that those brilliant 
and courageous men assembled to discuss the necessities and 
■dangers of their country; it was she who stimulated to action 
those whom shesaw wjrequalified for action.and who encouraged 
to the tribune those whom she knew to be eloquent. 

The court named this ministry, which was appointed during 
the month of March, U Ministire Sans-Culotte. The first time 
Roland appeared at the chateau with strings in his shoes and a 
round hat, contrary to etiquette, the master of the ceremonies 
refused to admit him. Obliged, however, to give way, he said, 
despairingly, to Dumouriez, pointing to Roland: "Ah, «r— 
no buckles in his shoes." " Ah, sir, all is lost," replied Dumouriez, 
with an air of the most sympathising gravity. Such were the 
trifles which still occupied the attention of the court. The first 
step of the new ministry wa.s war. The position of France was 
becoming more and more dangerous; everythmg was to be 
.feared from the enmity of Europe. Leopold was dead, and this 



Austria's Ultimatum 



"5 



event was calculated to accelerate the decision of the cabinet of 
Vienna. His young successor, Francis II., was likely to be less 
pacific or less prudent than he. Moreover, Austria was assem- 
bling its troops, formiiig camps, and appointing generals; it 
had violated the territory of Bale, and placed a garrison in 
Porentruy, to secure for itself the entry of the department of 
Doubs. There could be no doubt as to its projects. The 
gatherings at Coblenz had recommenced to a greater extent 
than before; the cabinet of Vienna had only temporarily dis- 
persed the emigrants assembled in the Belgian provinces, in 
order to prevent the invasion of that country, at a time when it 
was not yet rearfy to rfpe! invasion; it had, however, merely 
sought to save appearance;;, and had allowed a staff of general 
offirers, in full uniform, and with the white cockade, to remain 
at Brussels. Finally, the reply of the prince von Kaunitz to 
the required explanations was by no means satisfactory. He 
even refused to negotiate directly, and the baron von Cobenzl 
was commissioned to reply, that Austria would not depart from 
the required conditions already set forth. The re-establishment 
of the monarchy on the basis of the royal sitting of the a3rd 
of June; the restitution of its property to the clergy; of the 
temtory of Alsace, with all their rights, to the German princes- 
of Avignon and the Venaissin to the pope; such was the ulti- 
matum of Austria. All accord was now impossible; peace could 
no jonger be maintained. France was threatened with the fate 
which Holland had just experienced, and perhaps with that of 
Poland. The sole question now was whether to wait for or to 
mitiate war, whether to profit by the enthusiasm of the people 
or to allow that enthusiasm to cool. The true author of war 
is not he who declares it, but he who renders it necessary. 

On the 2oth of April, Louis XVI. went to the assembly, 
attended by aU his ministers. " I come, gentlemen," said he, 
to the national assembly for one of the most important objects 
that can occupy the representatives of the nation. My minister 
for foreign affairs will read to you the report drawn up in our 
counal, as to our politic?.! situation." Dumouriez then rose. 
He set forth the grounds of complaint that France had against 
the house of Austria; the object of the conferences of Mantua 
Reichenbach and Pilnitz; the coalition it had formed against 
the French revolution; its armaments becoming more and more 
considerable; the open protection it afforded to bodies of 
emipianU; the imperious tone and the undisjniised procrastina- 
tion of Its negotiations, lastiy, the intolerable conditions of iti 



ii6 



The French Revolution 



iMmatiun; and, after a long series of considerations, founded 
on the hostile conduct of the king of Hungary and Bohemia 
(Francis II. was not yet elected emperor); on the uigent 
circumstances of the nation; on its formally declared resolu- 
tion to endure no insult, no encroachment on its rights; 
on the honour and good faith of Louis XVI., the depositary 
of the dignity and safety of France; he demanded war 
against Austria. Lous XVI. then said, in a voice slightly 
tremulous: "You have heard, gentlemen, the r"ault of my 
negotiations with the court of Vienna. The conclusions of the 
report are based upon the unanimous opinion of my council; 
I have myself adopted them. They are conformable with the 
wishes often expressed to me by the national assembly, and with 
the sentiments frequently testified by bodies of citizens in 
different parts of the kingdom; all prefer war, to witnessing the 
continiumce of insult to the French people, and danger threaten- 
ing the national existence. It was my duty first to try every 
means of maintaining peace. Having failed in these efforts, I 
now come, according to the terms of the constitution, to propose 
to the national assembly war against the kin^ of Hungary and 
Bohemia." Tlie king's address was received with some appkuse, 
but the solemnity of the circumstances, and the grandeur of 
the decision, filled every bosom with silent and concentrated 
emotion. As soon as the king had withdrawn, the assembly 
voted an extraordinary sitting for the evening. In that sitting 
war was almost unanimously decided upon. Thus was under- 
taken, against the chief of the confederate powers, that war 
which was protracted throughout a quarter of a century, which 
victoriously established the revolution, and which changed the 
whole face of Europe. 

All France received the announcement with joy. War 
gave a new movement to the people already so much excited. 
Districts, municipalities, popular societies, wrote addresses; 
men were enrolled, voluntary gifts offered, pikes forged, 
and the nation seemed to rise up to await Europe, or to 
attack it. But enthusiasm, which ensures victory in the 
end, does not at first supply the place of organization. Accord- 
ingly, at the opening of the campaign, the regular troops were 
all diat could be relied upon until the new levies were trained. 
This was the state of the forces. The vast frontier, from Dunkirk 
to liuninguen, was divided into three great military districts. 
On the !e^, from Dunkirk to Philippeville, the army of the north, 
of about fOTty thousand foot, and eight thousand horse, was under 



Declaration of War 



117 



the orders of marshal de Rochambeau. Lafayette commanded 
the army of the centre, composed of forty-five thousand foot, 
Md seven thousand horse, and occupying the district between 
Phihppeville and the lines of Weissemberg. Lastly, the army 
of the Rhine, consisting of thirty-five thousand foot, and eight 
uiousand horse, extending from the lines of Weissemberg to 
B41e, was under the command of marshal Luckner. The 
frontier of the Alps and Pyrenees was confided to general 
Montesquiou, whose army was inconsiderable; but this part of 
France was not as yet in danger. 

The marshal de Rochambeau was of opinion that it would 
be prudent to remain on the defensive, and simply to guard the 
frontiws. Dumouriez, on the contrary, wished to take the 
mitiative in action, as they had done in declaring war, so as to 
profit by the advantage of being first prepared. He was very 
enterprismg, and as, although minister of foreign affairs, he 
directed the military operations, his plan was adopted. It 
consisted of a rapid invasion of Belgium. This province had, in 
1790, escayed to throw off the Austrian yoke, but, after a brief 
victory, was subdued by superior force. Dumouriez imagined 
that the Brabant patriots would favour the attack of the French, 
as a means of freedom for themselves. With this view, he 
combined a triple invasion. The two generals, Theobald Dillon, 
and Biron, who commanded in Flanders under Rochambeau, 
received orders to advance, the one with four thousand men 
from Lille upon Toumai— the other, with ten thousand, from 
Valenaennes upon Mons. At the same time, Lafayette, with a 
part of his armi-, quitted Metz, and advanced by forced marches 
upon Namur, by Stenai, Sedan, M^ziires, and Givet. But this 
plan implied in the soldiers a discipline which they had not of 
course as yet acquired, and on the part of the chiefs a concert 
very difficult to obtain; besides, the invading columns were not 
strong enough for such an enterprise. Theobald Dillon had 
scarcely passed the frontier, when, on meeting the first enemy on 
the j8th of April, a panic terror seized upon the troops. The 
cry of same qui pent ran through the ranks, and the general 
was earned off, and massacred by his troops. Much the same 
tiling took place, under the same circumstances, in the corps of 
Biron, v'ho was obliged to retreat in disorder to hu previous 
position. The sudden and concurrent flight of these two 
columns must be attributed either to fear of the enemy, on the 
part of troops who had never before stood fire, or to a distrust of 
their leaders, or to traitors who sounded the alarm of treachery. 



ii8 



The French Revolution 



,„ 



Lafayette, on arriving at Bouvines, after travelling fifty 
leagues of bod roads in two or three days, learnt the duasten 
of Valenciennes and Lille; he at once saw that the object of the 
invasion had failed; and he justly thought that the best course 
would be to effect a retreat. Rochambeau complained of the 
precipitate and incongruous nature of the measures which had 
been in the most absolute manner prescribed to him. As he 
did not choose to remain a passive machine, obliged to fill, at the 
will of the ministers, a post which he himself ought to have the 
full direction of, he resigned. From that moment the French 
army resumed the defensive. The frontier was divided into 
two general commands only, the one intrusted to Lafayette, 
extending from the sea to Longwy, and the other, from the 
Moselle to the Jura, being coniSded to Luckner. Lafayette 
placed his left under the command of Arthur Dillon, and with 
his right reached to Luckner, who had Biron as his lieutenant 
on the Rhine. In this position they awaited the allies. 

Meantime, the first checks increased the rupture between the 
FeuiUants and the Girondists. The genends ascribed them 
to the plans of Dumouriez, the ministry attributed them 
to the manner in which its plans had been executed by the 
generals, who, having been appointed by Narbonne, were of the 
constitutional party. The Jacobins, on the other hand, accused 
the anti-revolutionists of having occasioned the flight by the 
cry of sata/e qui petit I Their joy, which they did not conceal, 
the declared hope of soon seeing the confederates in Paris, the 
emigrants returned, and the ancient regime restored, confirmed 
these suspicions. It was thought that the court, which had 
increased the household troops from eighteen hundred to six 
thousand men, and these carefully selected anti-revolutiouists, 
acted in concert with the coalition. The public denounced, 
under the name of comite Autrichien, a secret committee, the 
ver^ existence of which could not be proved, and mistrust was 
at Its height. 

The assembly at once took decided measures. It had entered 
upon the career of war, and it was thenceforth condemned to 
regulate its conduct far more with reference to the public safety 
than with regard to the mere justice of the case. It resolved 
upon sitting permanently; it discharged the household troops; 
on account of the increase of religious disturbances, it passed 
a decree exiling refractory priests, so that it might not have at 
the same time to combat a coalition and to appease revolts. To 
repair the late defeats, and to have an army of reserve near the 



The King and His Ministers 119 

capital, it voted on the 8th of June, and on the motion of the 
minuter for war, Servan, the formation of a camp outside Paris 
of twt aty thousand men drawn from the provinces. It also 
sought to excite the public mind by revolutionary ffites, and 
began to enroll the multitude and arm 'hem with pikes, conceiv- 
mg that no assistance could be supeirfuous in such a moment 
of peril. 

All these measures were not carried without opposition from 
the constitutionalists. They opposed the establishment of the 
camp of twenty thousand men, which they regarded as the army 
of a party directed against the national guard and the throne. 
The staff of the former protested, and the recomposition of this 
body was immediately effected in accordance with the views of 
the dominant party. Companies armed with pikes were intro- 
duced mto the new national guard. The constitutionalists were 
still more dissatisfied with this measure, which introduced a 
lower class into their ranks, and which seemed to them to aim 
at superseding the bourgeoisie by the populace. Finally, they 
openly condemned the banishment of the priests, which in their 
opinion was nothing less than proscription. 

Louis XVI. had for some time past manifested a coolness 
towards his ministers, who on their part had been more exacting 
with him. They urged him to admit about him priests who had 
taken the oath, in order to set an example in favour of the 
constitutional religion, and to remove pretexts for religious 
agitation; he steadily refused this, determmed as he was to make 
no further religious concession. T! -se last decrees had put an 
end to his concord with the Gironde; for several days he did not 
mention the subject, much less make known his intentions 
respectmg it. It was on this occasion that Roland addressed 
to him his celebrated letter on his constitutional duties, and 
entreated him to calm the public mind, and to establish his 
authority, by becoming frankly the king of the revolution. This 
letter still more highly irritated Louis XVI., ah^eady disposed 
to break with the Girondists. He was supported in this by 
Dumouriez, who, forsaking his party, had formed with Duranton 
and I^oste, a division in the ministry against Roland, Servan 
and Claviire. But, able as weU as ambitious, Dumouriez 
advised Louis, while dismissing the ministers of whom he had to 
complam, to sanction their decrees, in order to make himself 
popular. He described that against the priests as a precaution 
m their favour, exile probably removing them from a proscrip- 
tion stUl more fatal; he undertook to prevent any revolutionary 



I20 



The French Revolution 



f 



consequences from the camp of twenty thotuand men, by march- 
ing off each battaKon to the army immediately upon its arrival 
at the camp. On these a .iditions, Dumouriez took upon himself 
the post of minister for war, and sustained the attacks of his own 
party. The king dismissed his ministers on the 13th of June, 
rejected the decrees on the 39th, and Dumouriez set out for the 
army, after having rendered himself an object of suspicion. 
The assembly deckired that Roland, Servan, and Claviire carried 
with them the regrets of the nation. 

The king selected his n'^w ministers from among the FeuiUants. 
Scipio Chambonnas was appointed minister of foreign affairs; 
Terrier de Honceil, of the interior ; Beaulieu , of finance ; Lajarre, 
of war; Lacoste and Duranton remained provisionally mimsters 
of justice and of the marine. All these men were without 
reputation or credit, and their party itself was approaching 
the term of its existence. The constitutional situation, during 
which it was to sway, was changing more and more decidedly 
into a revolutionary situation. How could a legal and moderate 
party maintain itself between two extreme and belligerent 
parties, one of which wa^ .idvancing from without to destroy the 
revolution, while the other was resolved to defend it at any cost ? 
The Feuillants became superfluous in such a conjuncture. The 
king, perceiving their weakness, now seemed to place his reliance 
upon Europe alone, and sent Mallet-Dupan on a secret mission 
to i.he coalition. 

Meantime, all those who had been outstripped by the popular 
tide, and who belonged to the first period of the revolution, 
united to second this slight retrograde movement. The monar- 
chists, at whose head were Lally-ToUendal and Malouet, two 
of the principal members of the Mounier and Necker {Kirty; 
Feuillants, durected by the old triumvirate, Duport, Lameth, 
and Bamave; lastly, Lafayette, who had mimense reputation 
as a constitutionalist, tried to put down the clubs, and to 
re-establish legal order and the power of the king. The Jacobins 
made great exertions at this period ; their influence was becom- 
ing enormous ; they were at the head of the party of the populace. 
To oppose them, to check them, the old party of the bourgeoisie 
was required; but this was disorganised, and its influence grew 
daily weaker and weaker. In order to revive its courage 
and strength, Lafayette, on the i6th of June, addressed 
bom the camp at Maubeuge a letter to the assembly, in 
which he denounced the Jacobin faction, required the cessation 
of the clubs, the independence and confirmation of the consti- 



Preparations for an Outbreak 1 2 1 

tutional throne, and urged the assembly in his own name, in 
that of his army, in that of all the friends of liberty, only to 
adopt such measures for the public welfare as were sanctioned 
by law. This letter gave rise to warm debates between the Right 
and Left m the assembly. Though dicuted only by pure and 
dismterested motives, it appeared, coming as it did from a 
young general at the head of his army, a proceeding a la Cromwell, 
and from that moment Lafayette's reputation, hitherto respected 
by his opponents, became the object of attack. In fact, con- 
sidenng it merely in a political point of view, this step was 
imprudent. The Gironde, driven from the ministry, stopped 
m Its measures for the public good, needed no further goading; 
and, on the other hand, it was quite undesirable that Lafayette, 
even for the benefit of his party, should use his influence. 

The Gironde wished, for its own safety and that ot the nation, 
to recover power, without, however, departing from constitu- 
tional means. Its object was not, as at a later period, to 
dethrone the king, but to bring him back amongst them. For 
this puroose it had recourse to the imperious petitions of the 
multitude. Since the declaration of war, petitioners had 
appeared in arms at the bar of the national assembly, had 
offered their services in defence of the country, and had obtained 
permission to march armed through the house. This con- 
cession was blameable, neutralizing all the laws against military 
gatherings; but both parties found themselves in an extra- 
ordinary position, and each employed illegal means; the court 
havmg recourse to Europe, and the Gironde to the people. The 
latter was in a state of great agitation. The leaders of the 
Faubourgs, among whom were the deputy Chabot, Santerre, 
Legendre, a butcher, Gonchon, the marquis de Samt Hunigue, 
prepared them, during several days, for a revolutionary out- 
break, smiilar to the one which failed at the Champ de Mars. 
The aoth of June was approaching, the anniversary of the oath 
of the Tennis-court. Under the pretext of celebrating this 
memorable day by a civic fete, and of planting a May-pole in 
honour of liberty, an assemblage of about eight thousand men 
Idt the Faubourgs Saint Antoine and Saint Marceau, on the ioth 
of June, and took their way to the assembly. 

Roederer, the recorder, brought the tidings to the assemblv 
but m the meantime the mob had reached the doors of the hall. 
Theu- leaders asked permission to present a petition, and to 
deMe before the assembly. A violent debate arose between the 
Kjght, who were unwilling to admit the armed petitioners, and 



122 The French Revolution 

the Left, who, on the ground of cuitom, wiihed to receive them. 
VergnUud declared that the auembly would violate every 
principle by admitting armed band* among them ; but, contider- 
.ng actual circumstances, he also declared that it was impossible 
to deny a request in the present case, that had been granted in 
so many others. It was difficult not to yield to the desires of an 
enthusiastic and vast multitude, when seconded by a majority 
of the representatives. The crowd already thronged the pas- 
sages, when the assembly decided that the petitioners should 
be admitted to the bar. Ihe deputation was introduced. The 
spokesman expressed himbclf in threatening language. He said 
that the people were astir; that they were ready to make use of 
great means — the means comprised in the declaration of rights, 
rtsistance of oppression; that the dissentient members of the 
assembly, if there were any, vould purge Ihe world of liberty, 
and would repair to Coblentz; then returning to the true design 
of this insurrectional petition, he added: " The executive power 
is not in union with you; we require no other proof of it than 
the dismissal of the patriot ministers. It is thus, then, that the 
happiness of a free nation shall depend on the caprice of a king I 
But should this king have any other will than that of the law? 
The people will have it so, and the life of the people is as valuable 
as that of crowned despots. That life is the genealogical tree 
of the nation, and the feeble reed must bend before this sturdy 
oak I We complain, gentlemen, of the inactivity of our armies ; 
we require of you to penetrate into the cause of this; if it spring 
from the executive power, let that power be destroyed ! " 

The assembly answered the petitioners that it would take 
their request into consideration; it then urged them to respect 
the law and legal authoriUes, and allowed them to defile before 
it. This procession, amounting to thirty thousand persons, 
comprising women, children, national guards, and men armed 
with pikes, among whom waved revolutionary banners and 
symbols, sang, as they traversed the hall, the famous chorus, 
Ca ira, and cried: "Vive la nation!" "Vivent les sans- 
culottes ! " " A bas le veto ! " It was led by Santerre and the 
marquis de Saint Hurugue. On leaving the assembly, it 
proceeded to the chateau, headed by the petitioners. 

The outer doors were opened at the king's command; the 
multitude rushed into the interior. They ascended to the 
apartments, and while forcing the doors with hatchets, the 
lung ordereid them to be opened, and appeared before them, 
accompanied by a few persons. The mob stopped a moment 



Events of the 2oth of June 123 

before him; bat those who were outside, not being awed by 
the presence of the king, continued to advance. Louis XVl. 
WM prudently placed in the recess of a window. He never 
displayed more courage than on this deplorable day. Sur- 
rounded by national guards, who formed a barrier against 
the mob, seated on a chair placed on a table, that he might 
breathe more freely and be seen by the people, he preserved a 
calm and firm demeanour. In reply to the cries that arose on 
all sides for the sanction of the decrees, he said : " This is neither 
the mode nor the moment to obtain it of me." Having the 
courage to refuse the essential object of the meeting, he thought 
he ought not to reject a symbol, meaningless for him, but in the 
eyes of the people, that of liberty; he placed on his head a red 
cap presented to him on the top of a pike. The multitude were 
quite satisfied with this condescension. A moment or two 
aftenvards, they loaded him with applause, as, almost suffo- 
cated with hunger and thirst, he drank off, without hesiution. 
a glass of wme presented to him by a half-drunken workman. 
In the meantime, Vergniaud, Isnard, and a few deputies of the 
Gironde, had hastened thither to protect the king, to address 
the people, and put an end to these indecent scenes. The 
assembly, which had just risen from a sitting, met again in 
haste, terrified at this outbreak, and despatched several suc- 
cessive deputations to Louis XVI. by way of protection At 
length, Potion, the mayor, himself arrived; he mounted a chair, 
harangued the people, urged them to retire without tumult, and 
the people obeyed. These singular insurgents, whose only aim 
was to obtain decrees and ministers, retired without havine 
exceeded their mission, but without discharging it. 

The events of the aoth of June excited the friends of the 
constitution against its authors. The violation of the roval 
residence, the insults offered to Louis XVI., the iUegaUty of a 
petition presented amidst the violence of the multitude, and the 
display of arms, were subjects of serious censure aijainst the 
popular party. The latter saw itself reduced for a moment to 
the defensive; besides being guilty of a riot, it had undergone 
a complete check. The constitutionalists assumed the tone 
Md supenonty of an offended and predominant party; but 
this lasted only a short time, for thev were not seconded by the 
court. TTie national guard offered to Louis XVI. to remain 
assembled round his person; the due de la Rochefoucauld- 
Jjancourt, who commanded at Rouen, wished to convey him to 
Ills troops, who were devoted to his cause. Lafayette proposed 



124 



The French Revolution 



ill 



to take him to Compile, and place him at the head of his anny ; 
but Louis XVI. declined all these offen. He conceived that the 
agitators would be disgusted at the failure of their last attempt; 
and, as he hoped for deliverance from the coalition of European 
powers, rendered more active by the events of the 20th of June, 
he was unwilling to make use of the constitutionalists, because 
he would have been obliged to treat with them. 

Lafayette, however, attempted to make a last effort in favour 
of legal monarchy. After having provided for the command 
of his army, and collected addresses protesting against the late 
events, he started for Paris, and on the 28th of June he unex- 
pectedly presented himself at the bar of the assembly. He 
required in his name, as well as in that of his army, the punish- 
ment of the insurrectionists of the 20th of June, and the destruc- 
tion of the Jacobin party. His proceeding excited various 
sentiments in the assembly. The Right warmly applauded it, 
but the Left protested against his conduct. Guadet proposed 
that an inquiry should be made as to his culpability in leaving 
his army and coming to dictate laws to the assembly. Some 
remains of respect prevented the latter from following Guadet's 
advice; and after tumultuous debates, Lafayette was admitted 
to the honours of the sitting, but this was all on the part of the 
assembly. Lafayette then turned to the national guard, that 
had so long been devoted to him, and hoped with its aid to close 
the dubs, disperse the Jacobins, restore to Louis XVI. the 
authority which the law gave him, and again establish the 
constitution. The revolutionists were astounded, and dreaded 
everything from the daring and activity of this adversary of the 
Champ de Mars. But the court, which feared the triumph of 
the constitutionalists, caused Lafayette's projects to fail; he 
had appointed a review, which it contrived to prevent by its 
influence over the officers of the royalist battalions. The 
grenadiers and chasseurs, picked companies still better disposed 
than the rest, were to assemble at his residence and proceed 
against the clubs; scarcely thirty men came. Having thus 
vainly attempted to rally in the cause of the constitution, and 
the common defence, the court and the national guard, and 
finding himself deserted by those he came to assist, Lafayette 
returned to his army, after having lost what little influence 
and popularity remained to him. This attempt was the 
last symptom of life in the constitutional party. 

The assembly naturally returned to the situation of France, 
which had not changed. The extraordinary commission of 



State and Divisions of Party 125 

twelve presented, through Pastoret, an unsatisfactory picture 
of the state and divisions of party. Jean Debry, in the name 
of the same commission, proposed that the assembly should 
secure the tranquillity of the people, now greatly disturbed, by 
declarmg that when the crisis became imminent, the assembly 
would declare the country is in danger; and that it would then 
take measures for the public safety. The debate opened upon 
this important subject. Vergniaud, in a speech which deeply 
moved the assembly, drew a vivid picture of all the perils to 
which the country was at that moment exposed. He said that 
it was in the name of the king that the emigrants were assembled, 
that the sovereigns of Europe had formed a coalition, that 
foreign armies were marching on our frontiers, and that internal 
disturbances were taking place. He accused him of checking 
the national zeal by his refusals, and of giving France up to the 
coalition. He quoted the article of the constitution by which 
It was declared that " if the king placed himself at the head of 
an army and directed its force against the nation, or if he did not 
formally oppose such an enterprise, undertaken in his name, he 
should be considered as having abdicated the throne." Suppos- 
ing, then, that Louis XVI. voluntarily opposed the means of 
defending the country, in that case, said he: " have we not a 
right to say to him: ' O king, who thought, no doubt, with the 
tyrant Lysander, that truth \vas of no more worth than false- 
hood, and that men were to be amused by oaths, as children are 
diverted by toys; who only feigned obedience to the laws that 
you might better preserve the power that enables you to defy 
them; and who only feigned love for the constitution that it 
might not precipitate you from the throne on which you felt 
bound to remain in order to destroy the constitution, do you 
expect to deceive us by hypocritical protestations? Do you 
think to deceive us as to our misfortunes by the art of your 
excuses? Was it defending us to oppose to foreign soldiers 
forces whose known inferiority admitted of no doubt as to their 
defeat? To set aside projects for strengthening the interior? 
Was It defending us not to check a general who was violating 
the constitution, while you repressed the courage of those who 
soughx to serve it ? Did the constitution leave you the choice of 
ministers for our happiness or our ruin ? Did it place you at the 
head of our army for our glory or our shame? Did it give you 
the right of sanction, a civil list and so many prerogatives, 
constitutionally to lose the empire and the constitution? No! 
no! man! whom the generosity of the French could not affect 



126 



The French Revolution 






whom the love of despotism alone actuates, you are now nothing 
to the constitution you have so unworthily violated, and to the 
people you have so basely betrayed! ' " 

The only resource of the Gironde, in its present situation, was 
the abdication of the king; Vergniaud, it is true, as yet only 
expressed himself ambiguously, but all the popular party 
attributed to Louis XVI. projects which Vergniaud had only 
expressed in the form of suppositions. In a few days, Brissot 
expressed himself more openly. " Our peril," said he, " exceeds 
all that past ages have witnessed. The country is in danger, not 
because we are in want of troops, not because those troops want 
courage, or that our frontiers are badly fortified, and our 
resources scanty. No, it is in danger, because its force is 
paralysed. And who has paralysed it? A man — one man, the 
man whom the constitution has made its chief, and whom 
perfidious advisers have made its foe. You are told to fear the 
kings of Hungary and Prussia ; I say, the chief force of these kings 
is at the court, and it is there that we must first conquer them. 
They tell you to strike the dissentient priests throughout the 
kingdom. I tell you to strike at the Tuileries, that is, to fell all 
the priests with a single blow; you are told to prosecute all 
factious and intriguing conspirators; they will all disappear if 
you once knock loud enough at the door of the cabinet of the 
Tuileries, for that cabinet is the point to which all these threads 
tend, where every scheme is plotted, and whence every impube 
proceeds. The nation is the plaything of this cabinet. This 
IS the secret of our position, this is the source of the evil, and here 
the remedy must be applied." 

In this way the Gironde prepared the assembly for the question 
of deposition. But the great question concerning the danger of 
the country was first terminated. The three united committees 
declared that it was necessary to take measures for the public 
safety, and on the 5th July the assembly pronounced the solemn 
declaration: Citizens, the country is in danger .' All the civil 
authorities immediately established themselves en surveiUance 
permanente. All citizens able to bear arms, and having already 
served in the national guard, were placed in active service; 
every one was obliged to make known what arms and ammuni- 
tion he possessed; pikes were given to those who were unable 
to procure guns; battalions of volunteers were enrolled on the 
public squares, in the miu!>l of which banners were placed, 
bearing the words — " Citizens, the country is in danger 1 " and 
a camp was formed at Soissons. These measures of defence, 



Progress of the Enemy 1 27 

now become indispensable, raised the revolutionary enthusiasm 
to the highest pitch. It was especially observable on the anni- 
vereary o{ the 14th of July, when the sentiments of the multitude 
and the federates from the departments were manifested without 
reserve Potion was the object of the people's idolatry, and had 
aU the honours of the federation. A few days before, he had 
been dismissed, on account of his conduct on the 20th of Tune 
by the directory of the department and the council; but the 
assembly had restored him to his functions, and the only cry on 
the day of the federation was: " Petion or death!" A few 
battaUons of the national guard, such as that of the Filles-Saint- 
^omas, still betrayed attachment to the court; they became 
the object of popular resentment and mistrust. A disturbance 
was excited in the Champs Elysfes between the grenadiers of 
the FiUes-Samt-Thomas and the federates of Marseilles m 
which some grenadiers were wounded. Every day the crisis 
became more imminent; the party in favour of war could no 
longer endure that of the constitution. Attacks against 
Lafayette multiplied ; he was censured in the journals, denounced 
m the assembly. At length hostilities began. The club of the 
feuillants was closed; the grenadier and chasseur companies 
of the national guard which formed the force of the bourgeoisie 
were disbanded; the soldiers of the line, and a portion of the 
Swiss, were sent away from Paris, and open preparations were 
made for the catastrophe of the loth of August. 

The progress of the Prussians and the famous manifesto of 
Brunswick contributed to hasten this movement. Prussia had 
joined Austria and the German princes against France This 
coition, to which the court of Turin joined itself, was formid- 
able, though It did not comprise all the powers that were to have 
jomed It at first. The death of Gustavus, appointed at first 
commander of the invading army, detached Sweden; the sub- 
stitution of the count d'Aranda, a prudent and moderate man, 
for Ae minister Flonda-Blanca, prevented Spain from entering 
rt; Russia and England secretly approved the attacks of the 
European league, without as yet co-operating with it. After 
the mUitery operations already mentioned, they watched each 

Z!f "??" ^•^ °^8''*- °"™8 *« ''"'■■^^. Lafayette had 
mspired hB army with good habits of discipline and de votedness ■ 
and Dumounez, stationed under Luckner at the camp of Maulde' 
had inured the troops confided to him by petty engagements 
and daUy successes In this way they had formed the nucleus 
of a good army; a desirable thing, as they required organization 



128 



The French Revolution 



and confidence to repel the approaching invasion ol the 

"m^duk^of Brunswick directed it. He had the chief com- 
mand of the enemy's army, composed of seventy thotmnd 
Csians, and sixty-eight thousand Austnans Hessums or 
emigrants. The plan of invMion was as foU°^=-^*. *^ 
of Brunswick with the Prussians, was to pass the Rhme at 
Cobl^teascend the left bank of the Moselle, attack the French 
frontif Cits central and most ac«ssible VOf^ni^yl^ 
on the capital by way of Longwy, Verdun, and ChMons. The 
p^« v?n Hohenlohe on his left, was to advan« m the direct^ 
SfMetz and ThionviUe, with the Hessians and a body of emi- 
JcXl while general Clairfayt, with the Austnans ana anoAer 
SSv of emigrants, was to overthrow Lafayette, sUtioned before 
a a^d Mfaieres, cross the Meuse, and march upon Par js by 
RhetosMid Soissons. Thus the centre and two wings were to 
maSTa wncenttated advance on the capital from the MoseUe, 
Ae Rhii^e^^d Ae Netherlands. Other detachments s^tioned 
on the frontier of the Rhine and the extreme northern frontier, 
were to a?^k our troops on these sides and f acUitate the central 

^S Ae 26th of July, when the army began to move from 
CobTente tl« dukeif Brunswick published a m^nfesto m the 
^e of the emperor and the king of Prussia. He "proadied 
S^ M had usurped the reins of administratis tn P'^«^'^^ 
K disturbed irder and overturned the legitmiate govern- 
m^- with having used daUy-renewed violence against the ku 
«d hisCily; ^th having arbitrarUy suppres^d the n^^= 
and possessions of the German prm^s m Alsace and I^7«°«; 
«nH finallv with having crowned the measure by declaring an 
^ist w^'a^Sst his majesty the emperor, and attackmg his 
S«s i^he Nctherlinds. He d«:lared that the aUied 
sovereigns were advancing to put an end to anarchy in Franc^ 
to a "es^^hfattacks made on the altar and the throne ; to ^tore 
to the king the security and Uberty he was deprived of and to 
rfac^^tafnacondition^o exercise his legitimate auAori^^^^^^ 
?oMeauentlv rendered the national guard and the authorities 
reSwe f^ all the disorders that should arbe until the arrival 
I* tCJ^ooi of the coalition. He summoned them to retjimto 
AeS Mcient fidelity. He said that the inhabitants of towns. 
t^dZdl stand I the defensive, should instantly be^n^hed 
M rebeb, with the rigour of war, and their ^^^^ ^^'^P^^f.^n 
Wed; Aat if the city of Paris did not restore the kmg to full 



Manifesto by the Duke of Brunswick 1 29 

liberty, and render him due respect, the princes of the coalition 
would make the members of the national assembly, of the depart- 
ment, of the district, the corporation, and the national guard, 
personally responsible with their hea^, to be tried by martial- 
law, and without hope of pardon; and that if the chateau were 
attacked or insulted, the princes would inflict an exemplary and 
never-to-be-forgotten vengeance, by delivering Paris over to 
military execution, and total subversion. He promised, on the 
other hand, if the inhabitants of Paris would promptly obey 
the orders of the coalition, to secure for them the mediation of the 
allied princes with Louis XVI. for the pardon of their offences 
and errors. 

This fiery and impolitic manifesto, which disguised neither 
the designs of the emigrants nor those of Europe, which treated 
a great nation with a truly extraordinary tone of conunand and 
contempt, which openly announced to it all the miseries of an 
invasion, and, moreover, vengeance and despotism, excited a 
national insurrection. It more than anything else hastened the 
fall of the throne, and prevented the success of the coalition. 
There was but one wish, one cry of resistance, from one end of 
France to the other; and whoever had not joined in it, would 
have been looked on as guilty of impiety towards his country 
and the sacred cause of its independence. The popular party, 
placed in the necessity of conquering, saw no other way than 
that of annihilating the power of the king, and in order to anni- 
hilate it, than that of dethroning him. But in this party, « . ery 
one wished to attain the end in his own way: the Gironde by a 
decree of the assembly; the leaders of the multitude by an 
insurrection. Danton, Robespierre, Camille Desmoulins, Fabre- 
d'Eglantine, Marat, etc., were a displaced faction requiring a 
revolution that would raise it from the midst of the people to 
the assembly and the corporation. They were the true leaders 
of the new movement about to take place by the means of the 
lower class of society against the middle class, to which the 
Girondists belonged by their habits and position. A division 
arose from that day between those who only wished to suppress 
the court in the existing order of things, and those who wished 
to introduce the multitude. The latter could not fall in with 
the tardiness of discussion. Agitated by every revolutionary 
passion, they disposed themselves for an attack by force of arms, 
the preparations for which were made openly, and a long time 
beforehand. 

Their enterprise had been projected and suspended several 



13© 



The French Revolution 



times. On the a6th of July, an insurrection was to break put; 
but it was badly contrived, and Potion prevented it. When the 
federates from Marseilles arrived, on their way to the camp at 
Soissons, the faubourgs were to meet them, and then repair, 
unexpectedly, to the chilteau. This insurrection also failed. 
Yet the arrival of the Marseillais encouraged the agitators of the 
capital, and conferences were held at Charenton between them 
and the federal leaders for the overthrow of the throne. The 
sections were much agitated; that of Mauconseil was the first 
to declare itself in a state of insurrection, and notified this to the 
assembly. The dethronement was discussed in the dubs, and 
on the 3rd of August, the mayor Potion came to solicit it of the 
legislative body, in the name of the commune and of the sections. 
The petition was referred to the extraordinary commission of 
twelve. On the 8th, the accusation of Lafayette was discussed. 
Some remains of courage mduced the majority to support him, 
and not without danger. He was acquitted; but all who had 
voted for him were hissed, pursued, and ill treated by the people 
at the breaking up of the sitting. 

The following day the excitement was extreme. The assembly 
learned by the letters of a large number of deputies, that the 
day before on leaving the house they had been ill used, and 
threatened with death, for voting the acquittal of Lafayette. 
Vaublanc announced that a crowd had invested and searched 
his house in pursuit of him. Girardin exclaimed: " Discussion 
is impossible, without perfect liberty of opinion; I declare to 
my constituents that I cannot deliberate if the legislative body 
does not secure me liberty and safety." Vaublanc earnestly 
urged that the assembly should take the strongest measures to 
secure respect to the law. He also required that the federates, 
who were deft ded by the Girondists, should be sent without 
delay to Soissons. During these debates the president received 
a message from de Joly, minister of justice. He announced that 
the mischief was at its height, and the people urged to every 
kind of excess. He gave an account of those comtnitted the 
evening before, not only against the deputies, but against many 
other persons. " I have," said the minister, " denounced these 
attacks in the criminal court; but law is powerless; and I am 
impelled by honour and probity to inform you, that without 
the promptest assistance of the legislative body, the govern- 
ment can no longer be responsible." In the meantime, it was 
announced that the section of the Quinze-vingts had declared 
that, if the dethronement were not pronounced that very day, 



The Assembly Broken Up 131 

at midnight they would sound the tocsin, wouM beat the 
gftiirale and attack the chfiteau. This decision had bee n trans- 
mitted to the forty-eight sections, and all had approved it 
except one. The assembly summoned the recorder of the' 
™P?rtment, who assured them of his good-will, but his in- 
ability; and the mayor, who replied that, at a time when the 
sections had resumed their sovereignty, he could only exercise 
oyer the people the influence of persuasion. The assembly 
broke up without adopting any measures. 

The insurgents fixed the attack on the chSteau for the momina 
of the loth of August. On the 8th, the MarseiUais had been 
transferred from their barracks in the Rue Blanche to the 
Lordeliers, with their arms, cannon, and standard. They had 
received five thousand baU cartridges, which had been dis- 
tributed to them by command of the commissioner of police 
rne prmcipal scene of the insurrection was the Faubo.irg Saint 
Antome. In the evening, after a very stormy sitting, the 
Jacobms repaired thither in procession; the insurrection was 
tnen organized. It was decided to dissolve the department- 
to dismiss Potion, in order to withdraw him from the duties of 
lus place, and aU responsibility; and, finally, to replace the 
general council of the present commune by an insurrectional 
municipahty. Agitators repaired at the same time to the 
sections of the faubourgs and to the barracks of the federate 
Marseillais and Bretons. 

The court had been apprised of the danger for some time, 
and had placed itself m a state of defence. At this juncture 
It probably thought it was not only able to resist, but also 
entirely to re-establish itself. The interior of the chateau was 
oraupied by Swiss, to the number of eight or nine hundred bv 
officers of the disbanded guard, and by a troop of gentlemen and 
royalists, who had offered their services, armed with sabres 
swords, and pi- \,ls. Mandat, the general-in-chief of the' 
national guard, had repaired to the chateau, with his staff to 
defend it; he had given orders to the battalions most attached 
to the constitution to take anns. The ministers were also with 
tne kmg; the recorder of the department had gone thither in 
Ae evenmg at the command of the king, who had also sent for 
mion to ascertain from him the state of Paris, and obtain an 
authorization to repel force by force. 

At midnight, the tocsin sounded; the ginirale was beaten 
TTie msurgents assembled, and fell into their ranks ; the members 
01 the sections broke up the municipahty, and named a pro- 



13* 



The French Revolution 



visional council of the commune, which proceeded to the Hfttel 
deVille to direct the insurrection. The battalions of the national 
guard, on their side, took the route to the chftteau, and were 
stationed in the court, or at the principal posts, with the mounted 
gendarmerie ; artillerymen occupied the avenues of the Tuileries, 
with their pieces; while the Swiss and volunteers guarded the 
apartments. The defence was in the best condition. 

Some deputies, meanwhile, aroused by the tocsin, had hurried 
to the hall of the legislative body, and had opened the sitting 
under the presidentship of Vergniaud. Hearing that Fition 
was at the Tuileries, and presummg he was detained there, and 
wanted to be released, they sent for him to the bar of the 
assembly, to give an account of the state of Paris. On receiving 
this order, he left the chateau ; he appeared before the assembly, 
where a deputation again in(^uired for him, also supposing him 
to be a prisoner at the Tuileries. With this deputation he 
returned to the Hotel de Ville, where he was placed under a 
guard of three hundred men by the new commune. The latter, 
unwilling to allow any other authority on this day of disorder 
than the insurrectional authorities, early in the morning sent 
for the commandant Mandat, to know what arrangements were 
made at the chateau. Mandat hesitated to obey; yet, as he 
did not know that the municipality had been changed, and as 
his duty required him to obey its orders, on a second call_ which 
he received from the commune, he proceeded to the H6tel de 
Ville. On perceiving new faces as he entered, he turned pale. 
He was accused of autht.izing the troops to &c on the people. 
He became agitated, and was ordered to the Abbaye, and the 
mob murdered him as he was leaving, on the steps of the Hotel 
de Ville. The commune immediately conferred the command 
of the national guard on Santerre. 

The court was thus deprived of its most determined and 
influential defender. The presence of Mandat, and the order 
he had received to employ force in case of need, were necessary 
to induce the national guard to fight. The sight of the nobles 
and royalists had lessened its zeal. Mandat himself, previous 
to his departure, had urged the queen in vain to dismiss this 
troop, which the constitutionalists considered as a troop of 
aristocrats. 

About four in the morning the queen summoned Roederer, 
the recorder of the department, who had passed the night at 
the Tuileries, and inquired what was to \x done under these 
circumstances? Roederer replied, that he thought it necessary 



The King and the National Guard 133 

pronounced in favour of l^^tte- aLd that he h^'„^ 
proposed this plan as the least d^e^ius n, '«» thl ^ 
WhT P?'*r* '"^^ "SirrThav; fo?,^s^h"e It Lat" 

Soror\t7n?'^^° ^^: z:"'' *"' "'"/ 4 ^' -- 

D—j II . '"""'" 1^ -in that case, madam " re oin»l 

«^S " "\Z^: ''•"' arrangements have bee'n m^el^r 
m!^Z? Laschenaye, who commanded in the absence of 

t^^^venT?!,''"' ^"i^"" ''^ '^^''^ « he had taken meL^I 
to prevent the crowd from arr ving at the chfiteau? 1(h»h.A 
guarded the Carrousel? He i^plfed in t^^at/ve ^ 
addressing the queen, he said, in a tone of angT^ I mu;it^ot' 

S^U72^"^rr^?^'^' "^'^. th^the amen? 
are filled wth people of all kinds, who very much iipedeX 
service, and prevent free access to the kkg, a cir^stoa 
Z^ut Z'T ''•^.f ti-f««tion among the nation^ya^dT-'l^ 

who L^ h^r".Y "'P'-tf ?* "l"""' " I 'ai aiSwer for th^ 
Who are here; they wiU advance first or last, in the rankV « 

sure men. They contented themselves with wnHin^ fl,- *-^ 
mm^ters, Joly and Champion to tTe aS^Wylo IpDr^ it^^ 
the ^r, and ask for its'^assistance ^ for co,LEr^\°' 

w^r^t^-rt&r^^t^^^^^^^^ 

we will save ourselves or perish toeether " W- tw j "^™*' 

The^aS' rr"'*^"' -e'Sieral'^'ffits.'T:^^ 
as he arrived, they beat to arms. The cry of " Vive krorr " 

r^lk™ ' ""^ 71 "=P«^*«^ by the nat^n^ guSd but tLe 

STetr^Tf^^-VTve t^^^ t %' ^^'^ ^e r'epL^d b 
»-»j V.1 Vive la nation! At the same instant new K«t 

not, however, ^LTi^L, S^^d^e^T/^r otn^Te 
^^Sff!!^^"" '■*"■ P« P- L- R«»d«r. . writer of the met 



'3+ 



The French Revolution 



wu received with the strongest evidences of devotion by the 
battalions of the Filles-Saint-Thomas, and Petits-Pires, who 
occupied the terrace, extending the length of the chiteau. Ai 
he crossed the garden to visit the ports of the Pont Toumant, 
the pike battalions pursued him with the cry of : " Down with 
the veto I " " Down with the traitor! " and as he returned, 
they quitted their position, placed themselves near the Pont 
Royal, and turned their cannon against the ch&teau. Two 
other battalions stationed in the courts imitated them, and 
established themselves on the Place du Carrousel in an attitude 
of attack. On re-entering the chiteau, the king was pale and 
dejected ; and the queen said, " All is lost ! This kind of review 
has done more harm than good." 

While all this was passing at the Tuileries, the insurgents 
were advancing in several columns; they had passed the night 
in assembling, and beccmiing orgaiuzed. In thie morning, they 
had forced the arsenal, and distributed the arms. The column 
of the Faubourg Saint-Antoine, about fifteen thousand strong, 
and that of the faubourg Saint Marceau, amounting to five 
thousand, began to march about six. The crowd increased as 
they advanced. Artillerymen had been placed on the Pont 
Neuf by the directory of the de|>artnient, in order to prevent the 
union of the insurgents from the two sides of the river. But 
Manuel, the town clerk, had ordered them to be withdrawn, 
and the passage was accordingly free. The vanguard of the 
Faubourgs, composed of Marseillais and Breton federates, had 
already arrived by the Rue Saint Honor^, stationed themselves 
in battle array on the Carrousel, and turned their cannon against 
the ch&teau. De Joly and Champion returned from the assembly, 
stating that the attendance was not sufficient in number to 
debate; that it scarcely amounted to sucty or eighty members, 
and that their proposition had not been heard. Then Rcederer, 
the recorder of the depart 'int, with the members of the depart- 
ment, presented himself to the crowd, observing that so great a 
multitude could not have access to the king, or to the national 
assembly, and recommending them to nominate twenty deputies, 
and entrust them with their requests. But they did not listen 
to him. He turned to the national guard, reminded them of the 
article of the law, which enjoined them when attacked, to repel 
force by force. A very small part of the national guard seemed 
disposed to do so; and a discharge of cannon was the only reply 
of the artillerymen. Roederer, seeing that the insurgents were 
everywhere triumphant, that they were masters of the field, and 



The Royal Family in Danger 135 

I^L*!;S^i.'*"T"' "l '^ «""'»"*. ««nd even of the troow, 
murnrf hastUy to the chiteau, at the he«i of the execX 

mu^.lL'f 5*^''' u T^""^ .'''* ^ <1"«" "^ minister,. A 
SnS,™ Tl ^ ^"" «'^*" '•'* 'I"™ ^'y announcing that 
^HlTn^ K f insurgents were advancing upon the TuHeriei. 

jeak Abdication," replied the officer. '■ To be p^nounced 

SaJm J;k this moment Rcederer arrived, and tocreased the 
^ft • • "•"" ^y announcing that the danger was extreme; 
that the msurgents would not be treated wiU>, and that the 
national guard could not be depended upon. " Sire,"7"d l^ 
urgently "your majesty has ^ot five ^nutes to lose: you; 

department that you ougnt to repair thither without delay 
ITiere are nrt sufficient men to the court to defend the chiteau- 
ml^l^K '"""'i'^f'"- At the mention of defence, the artiUery- 

hl h,^ n^^K** *'lf "^°"" ■^* ^"e "P'i'd at first, thit 
he had not observed many people on the drrousel; and the 
queen rejoined with vivacity, that the king had forces to defend 
I5t,r^l°"- ?K- ' " *^ "f"^"^ urgency of Rcederer, the ktog 
™^^i^h"^ ^a "^ ""'"lively for a fe* minutes, tun;ed to thf 
Sr^.^ ""'^^.^ ^I'S^': ^* "« 8°" " Monsieur Rcederer," 
said Madame Elizabeth, addresstog th- recorder, " you answer 

replied. I will walk unmediately before him " 

thT^l.^^- l'!u ''if '*""'*'■ """^ ^^ family, ministers, and 
the members of the department, and announced to the persons 
assembled for the defence of the chateau that he was g^tog to 

of n^ttn"r' '^T'"y- "' ^^'"^ •>'""«" between two r^s 
l^Tf ^a'^'' j"™"°"«d to escort htoi, and crossed the 
apartments and garden of the Tuileries. A deputation of the 
Msembly, apprised of his approach, came to meet him: " Sire," 
^oviH, fr'"^*"' i '^'^ i«P"*«'°n, " the assembly, eager to 
Kfit^t T,°""''f«*y' °«'" yo" and your family^ ^lum 

c^^aI " ""^""g. the terrace of the Tuileries, which was 
aowded with an anmiated mob, bre thing forth 'threats T^d 

S! ™ii; f ^ffl'"''^' ^bere they took the seats reserved f« 
the mmisters. Gentlemen," said the king, " I come here to 



136 



The French Revolution 



•void a gnat crime; I think I cannot be safer than with you." 
" Sire," replied Vergniaud, who filled the chair, " you may nly 
on the finnnen of the national atiembly. Iti memben have 
sworn to die in maintaining the rights of the people, and the 
constituted authoritiet," Iiie king then took his seat next the 
president. But Chabot reminded him that the assembly could 
not deliberate in the presence of the king, and Louis XVI. 
retired with his family and ministers into the reporter's box 
behind the president, whence all that took place could be seen 
and heard. 

All motives for resistance ceased with the king's departure. 
Hie means of defence had also been diminished by the departure 
of the national guards who escorted the king. TIm gendarmerie 
left their posts, crying " Vive la nation I " The national guard 
began to move in favour of the insurgents. But the foes were 
confronted, and, although the cause was removed, the combat 
nevertheless commenced. The column of the insurgents sur- 
rounded the chiteau. The Marseillais and Britons who occupied 
the first rank had just forced the Porte Royale on the Carrousel, 
and entered the court of the diftteau. They were led by an old 
subaltern, called Westermann, a friend of Donton, and a very 
daring man. He ranged bis force in battle array, and approach- 
ing the artillerymen, induced them to join the Marseillais with 
their pieces. The Swiss filled the windows of the ch&teau, and 
stood motionless. The two bodies confronted each other for 
some time ^vithout making an attack. A few of the assailants 
advanced amicably, and the Swiss threw some cartridges from 
the windows in token of peace. They penetrated as far as the 
vestibule, where they were met by other defenders of the chiteau. 
A barrier separated them. Here the combat began, but it is 
unknown on whidi side it commenced. The Swiss discharged 
a murderous fire on the assailants, who were dispersed. The 
Place du Carrousel was cleared. But the Marseillais and Britons 
soon returned with renewed force; the Swiss were fired on by 
the cannon, and surrounded. They kept their posts until they 
received orders from the king to cease firing. The exasperated 
mob did not cease, however, to pursue them, and gave itself up 
to the most sanguinary reprisal. It now became a massacre 
rattier than a combat; and the crowd perpetrated in the chateau 
all the excesses of victory. 

All this time the assembly was in the greatest alarm. The 
first cannonade filled them with consternation. As the firing 
became more frequent, the agitation increased. At one moment. 



Suspension of the King 



fate of monarchy w J dedH **"* *"''°"'' ""* '^^ 

tl« words, "PaiSbe%e,Sjit«'^.*^*"' ''^^ ^^^^ 
The auembly felt itself compelled to yield • kwo,.M „^ k 

Sd *I am a^; ." '^' "'^* "^ ''" """Son 0^^^ 

dwtatoml and arbitrary epoch of the revolution. C^STn^ 
bwommg more and more difficult to encounter, a m?wS^ 
«ose. requirmg stJl greater energy than everindX^ 



'38 



The French Revolution 



irteaular, because popular, rendered the domination ol the lower 
3«Se«,cruelVand oppressive, -pie nature of the quMtion 
was then entirely changed ; it was no longer a matter of liberty, 
but of pubUc safety; and the conventional penod, from the end 
of the constitution of 1791, to the time when the consUtufaon of 
the year III. established the directory, was only a long campaign 
of Ae revolution against parties and against Europe. It was 
Mwelv possible it should be otherwise. " The reyolutiOTary 
movementonce established," says M. de Malstre, m his Co»- 
sid^^oHons sur la France} " France and the monarchy could 
only be saved by Jacobinism. Our grandchildren, who wiU care 
littte for our sufferings, and will dance on our graves, wdl lau^ 
atour present ignorance ; they wiU easily console themselvesfor 
^ ««sses w?have witnessed, and wUch wiU have preserved 
the integrity of the finest of kingdoms." .... .» 

The departments adhered to the events of the loth of August. 
The armyTwhich shortly afterwards came under the influence 
of the revolution, was at yet of constitutional royalist principles ; 
but as the troops were subordinate to parties, they would easily 
submit to the dominant opinion. The generals, second m rank, 
such as Dumouriez, Custines, Biron, Kellermann, Md Labow- 
donnaie, were dUposed to adopt the last changes. Theyhadnot 
Sd^red for aSyparticular party, lookmg to the re volutionw 
"means of advancement. It was not the SMie with the two 
mnerals in chief. Luckner floated undeaded between the insur- 
^ionoft^JeUof August which he termed, "aUttW^ 
that had happened to Paris and his friend, Lafayette The 
Utter headofthe constitutional party, firmly adhermg to his 
oaths wished still to defend the overturned tl7™';»°<\* ~°- 
rtitut on which no longer existed. He commanded about thnrty 
thoXd men, who^re devoted to his person and his auise. 
Hfe^-quariirs were near Sedan. In his project of resistan« 
ta favour of the constitution, he concerted with the municipality 
of that town, and the directory of the department of Ardennes 
to estoblish a civil centre round which all the departments might 
rally The three commissioners, Kersamt, Antonelle and 
Pfakidy, sent by the legislature to his army, were arrested and 
iWisoAed in the tower of Sedan. The reason assigned for A^ 
Sre was, that the assembly having been mtmiidated, tihe 
members who had accepted such a mission were necessarily but 
r^^ei^ or rtrumeuts of the faction which had subjugated 
^ ^onal assembly and the king. The troops and the civil 
iLauunne, 1796- 



Advance of the Army of Invasion 1 39 

•uAoritJes then renewed their oath to the constitution, and 
Lafayette endeavoured to enlarge the circle of the insurrection 
of the army against the popular insurrection. 

General Lafayette at that moment thought, possibly, too 
much on the past, on the law, and the common oath, and not 
enough on the really extraordinary position in which France 
then was. He only saw the dearest hopes of the friends of 
liberty destroyed, the usurpation of the state by the multitude 
and the anardiical reign of the Jacobins; he did not perceive 
the fatality of a situation which rendered the triumph of the 
latest comer in the revolution indispensable. It was scarcely 
possible that the bourgeoisie, which had been strong enough to 
overthrow the old system and the privileged classes, but which 
had reposed after that victory, could resist the emigrants and all 
Jiurope. For this a new shock, a new faith were necessary- 
there was need of a numerous, ardent, inexhaustible class, ai 
enthusiastic for the loth of .\ugust, as the bourgeoisie had lien 
for the 14th of July. Lafayette could not associate with this 
party; he had combated it, under the constituent assembly, at 
the Champ de Mars, before and after the 20th of June. He could 
not continue to play his former part, nor defend a cause just 
m Itself, but condemned by events, without cranpromising his 
counfaT, and the results of a revolution to which he was sincerely 
attached. His resistance, if continued, would have given rise to 
a civU war between the people and the army, at a time when it 
was not certam that the combination of all parties would suffice 
against a foreign war. 

1 iVTf ** '9*'' °^ August, and the army of invasion having 
left Coblentz on the 30th of July, was ascending the Moselle, and 
advancmg on that frontier. In consideration of the common 
danger the troops were disposed to resume their obedience to the 
assembly; Luckner, who at first approved of Lafayette's views 
retracted, weeping and swearing, before the municipality of Metz.' 
and Lafayette hunself saw the necessity of yielding to a more 
powerful destmy. He left his army, taking upon himself all the 
res^nsibihty of the whole insurrection. He was accompanied 
by Bureau-de-Pusy, Utour-Maubourg, Alexander Lameth, and 
some officers of his staff. He proceeded through the enemy's 
posts towards Holland, intending to go to the United States, his 
adopted country. But he was discovered and arrested with 
to compamons. In violation of the rights of nations, he was 
treated as a prisoner of war, and confined first in the dungeons 
Of Magdeburg, and then by the Austrians at Ohnutz. The 



140 



The French Revolution 



English parliament itself took steps in his favour; but it was not 
until the treaty of Campo-Formio that Bonaparte released him 
from prison. During four years of the hardest captivity, sub- 
ject to every description of privation, kept in ignorance of the 
state of his country and of liberty, with no prospect before him 
but that of perpetual and harsh imprisonment, he displayed the 
most heroic courage. He might have obtained his liberty by 
making certain retractations, but he preferred remaining buried 
in his dungeon to abandoning in the least degree the sacred cause 
he had embraced. 

There have been in our day few lives more pure than 
Lafayette's; few characters more beautiful; few men whose 
popidarity has been more justly won and longer maintained. 
After defending liberty in America at the side of Washington, he 
desired to establish it in the same manner in France; but this 
noble part was impossible in our revolution. When a people in 
the pursuit of liberty has no internal dissension, and no foes but 
foreigners, it may find a deliverer; may produce, in Switzerland 
a Wmiam Tell, in the Netherlands a prince of Orange, in America 
a Washington; but when it pursues it against its own country- 
men and foreigners, at once amidst factions and battles, it can 
only produce a CromweU or a Bonaparte, who become the 
dictators of revolutions when the stru^le subsides and parties 
are exhausted. Lafayette, an actor in the first epoch of the 
crisis, enthusiastically declared for its results. He became the 
general of the middle class, at the head of the national guard 
under the constituent assembly, in the army under the legislative 
assembly. He had risen by it, and he would end with it. It 
may be said of him, that if he committed some faults 6f position, 
he had ever but one object, liberty, and that he employed but 
one means, the law. The manner in which, when yet quite 
young, he devoted himself to the deliverance of the two worlds, 
his glorious conduct and his invariable firmness, will transmit his 
name with honour to posterity, with whom a man cannot have 
two reputations, as in the time of party, but his own alone. 

The authors of the events of the loth of August became more 
and more divided, having no common views as to the results 
iHiich should arise from that revolution. The more daring party, 
which had got hold of the commune or municipality, wished by 
means of that commune to rule Paris; by means of Paris, the 
national assembly; and by means of the assembly, France. 
After having effected the transference of Louis XVI. to the 
Temple, it throw down all the statues of the kings, and destroyed 



The Commune 



141 



•11 the emblems of the monarchy. The department exercised • 
right of superintendence over the municipality; to be completely 
inde^ndent, it abrogated this right. The law required certain 
conditions to constitute a citizen; it decreed the cessation of 
these, in order that the multitude might be introduced into the 
government of the state. At the same time, it demanded the 
establishment of an extraordinary tribunal to try the conspirators 
of the lolh of August. As the assembly did not prove sufficiently 
docile, and endeavoured by proclamations to recall the people 
to more just and moderate sentiments, it received threatening 
messages from the Hdtel de Ville. " As a citizen," said a member 
of the commune, " as a magistrate of the people, I come to 
annotmce to you that this evening, at midnight, the tocsin will 
sound, the drum beat to arms. The people are weary of not 
being avenged ; tremble lest they administer justice themselves." 
" If, before two or three hours pass, the foreman of the jury be 
not named," said another, " and if the jury be not itself in a 
condition to act, great calamities will befall Paris." To avert the 
threatened outbreaks, the assembly was obliged to appoint an 
extraordinary criminal tribunal. This tribvmal condemned a 
few persons, but the commtme having conceived the most terrible 
projects, did not consider it sufficiently expeditious. 

At the head of the commune were Marat, Fanis, Sergent, 
Duplain, Lenfent, Lefort, Jourdeuil, Collot d'Herbois, Billaud- 
Varennes,Tallien,etc.; but the chief leader of the party at that 
time was Danton. He, more than any other person, had distin- 
guished himself on the loth of August. Dm^ the whole of 
that night he had rushed about from the sections to the barracks 
of the Marseillais and Bretons, and from these to the Faubourgs. 
A meinber of the revolutionary commune, he hac? directed its 
operations, and had afterwards been appointed minister of 
justice. 

Danton was a gigantic revolutionist; he deemed no means 
censurable so they were useful, and, according to him, men 
could do whatever they dared attempt. Danton, who has been 
termed the Mirabeau of the populace bore a physical resemblance 
to that tribune of the higher classes ; he had irregular features, a 
powerful voice, impetuous gesticulation, a daring eloquence, a 
lordly brow. Their vices, too, were the same; only Mirabeau's 
were those of a patrician, Danton's those of a democrat; that 
which there was of daring in the conceptions of Mirabeau, was 
to be found in Danton, but in another way, because, in the 
revolution, he belonged to another class and another epoch. 



142 



The French Revolution 



Ardent, overwhelmed with debts and wants, of dissolute habits, 
given up now to his passions, now to his party, he was formidable 
while in the pursuit of an object, but became indifferent as soon 
as he had obtained it. This powerful demagogue presented a 
mixture of the most opposite vices and qualities. Though he 
had sold himself to the court, he did not seem sordid; he was one 
of those who, so to speak, give an air of freedom even to baseness. 
He was an absolute exterminator, without being personally 
ferocious; inexorable towards masses, humane, generous even 
towards individuals.^ Revolution, in his opinion, was a game 
at which the conqueror, if he required it, won the life of the 
conquered. The welfare of his party was, in his eyes, superior 
to law and even to humanity; this will explain his endeavours 
after the loth of August, and his return to moderation when 
he considered the republic established. 

At this period the Prussians, advancing on the plan of invasion 
described above, passed the frontier, after a march of twenty 
days. The army of Sedan was without a leader, and incapable 
of resisting a force so superior in numbers and so much better 
organised. On the aoth of August, Longwy was invested by 
the Prussians; on the aist it was bombarded, and on the 24th 
it capitulated. On the 30th the hostile army arrived before 
Verdun, invested it, and began to bombard it. Verdun taken, 
the road to the capital was open. The capture of Longwy, and 
the approach of so great a danger, threw Paris into the utmost 
agitation and alarm. The executive council, composed of the 
ministers, w:is summoned by the committee of general defence, 
to deliberate on the best measures to be adopted in this perilous 
c(Hijuncttu%. Some proposed to wait for the enemy under the 
walls of the capital, others to retire to Saumur. " You are not 
ignorant," said Danton, when his turn to speak arrived, " that 
BVance is Paris; if you abandon the capital to the foreigner, you 
surrender yourselves, and you surrender France. It is in Paris 
that we must defend ourselves by every possible means. I 
cannot sanction any plan tending to remove you from it. The 
second project does not appear to me any better. It is im- 
possible to think of fitting under the walls of the capital. The 
loth of August has divided France into two parties, the one 
attached to royalty, the other desiring a republic, lie latter, 
the decided minority of which in the state cannot be concealed, is 

> At the time the commune was arranging the massacre of the 2nd 
September, he saved all who applied to him; he, of his own accord, released 
tain pnioo Dnport, Bamave, and Ch. Lameth, bis personal antagooiiti. 



Massacre under the Commune 143 

the only one on which you can rely to fight ; the other will refuse 
to march; it will excite Paris in favour of the foreigner, while 
your defenders, placed between two fires, will perish in repelling 
him. Should they fall, which seems to me beyond a doubt, 
your ruin and that of France are certain; if, contrary to all 
expectation, they return victorious over the coalition, this 
victory will still be a defeat for you; for it will have cost you 
thousands of brave men, while the royalists, more numerous 
than you, will have lost nothing of their strength and influence. 
It is my opinion, that to disconcert their measures and stop the 
enemy, we must make the royalists fear." The committee, at 
once understanding the meaning of these words, were thrown 
into a state of consternation. "Yes, I tell you," resumed 
Danton, "we must make them fear." As the committee 
rejected this proposition by a silence full of alarm, Danton con- 
certed with the commune. His aim was to put down its enemies 
by terror, to involve the multitude more and more by making 
them lus accomplices, and to leave the revolution no other refuge 
than victory. 

Domiciliary visits were made with great and gloomy ceremony; 
a large number of persons whose condition, opinions, or conduct 
rendered them objects of suspicion, were thrown into prison. 
Tliese unfortunate persons were taken especially from the two 
dissentient classes, the nobles and the clergy, who were charged 
with conspiracy under the legislative assembly. All citizens 
capable of bearing arms were enrolled in the Champ de Mars, 
and departed on the first of September for the frontier. The 
gfai^ale was beat, the tocsin sounded, cannon were fired, and 
Danton, presenting himself to the assembly to report the 
measures taken to save the country, exclaimed: " The cannon 
you hear are no alarm cannon, but the signal for attacking the 
enemy 1 To conquer them, to prostrate them, what is necessary ? 
Daring, again daring, and still again and ever daring ! " Intelli- 
gence of the taking of Verdun arrived during the night of the 
ist of September. The commune availed themselves of this 
moment, when Paris, filled with terror, thought it saw the enemy 
aheady at its gates, to execute their fearful projects. The 
cannon were again fired, the tocsin sounded, the barriers were 
closed, and the massacre began. 

During three days, the prisoners confined in the Cannes, Ute 
Abbaye, the Conciergdrie, the Force, etc., were slaughtered by 
a band of about three hundred assassins, directed and paid by 
the commune. This body, with a cahn fanaticism, prostituting 



144 



The French Revolution 



I 



to murder the sacred form* of justice, now judges, now execu- 
tioneis, seemed rather to be practising a calhng than to be 
exercising vengeance; they massacred without question, with- 
out remwse, with the conviction of fanatics and the obedience 
of executioners. If some pecuhar circumstances seemed to move 
them, and to recall them to sentiments of humanity, to justice, 
and to mercy, they yielded to the impression for a moment, and 
then began anew. In this way a few persons were saved; but 
they were very few. The assembly desired to prevent the 
massacres, but were unable to do so. The ministry were as in- 
capable as the assembly; the terrible commune alone could 
order and do everything; P«tion, the mayor, had been cashiered; 
the soldiers placed in charge of the prisoners feared to resist the 
murderers, and allowed diem to take their own course; the 
crowd seemed indifferent, or accomplices ; the rest of the citizens 
dared not even betray their consternation. We might be 
astonished that so great a crime should, with such deliberation, 
have been conceived, executed, and endured, did we not know 
what the fanaticism of party will do, and what fear will suffer. 
But the chastisement of this enormous crime fell at last upon 
the heads of its authors. The majority of them perished 
m the storm they had themselves raised, and by the same 
violent means that they had themselves employed. Hen 
of party seldom escape the fate they have made others 
undergo. 

The executive council, directed, as to military operations by 
general Servan, advanced the newly-levied battalions towards 
the frontier. As a man of judgment, he was desirous of placing 
a general at the threatened point; but the choice was difficult. 
Among the generak who had declared in favour of the late 
pohtical events, Kellermann seemed only adapted for a sub- 
ordinate command, and the authorities had therefore merely 
placed him in the room of the vacillative and incompetent 
Luckner. Custine was but little skilled in his art; he was fit 
for any dashing coup de main, but not for the conduct of a great 
anny intrusted with the destiny of R-ance. The same military 
mferiority was chargeable upon Biron, Labourdonnaie, and the 
rest, who were therefore left at their old stations, with the corps 
under their command. Dumouriez alone remained, against 
whom the Girdonists still retained some rancour, and in whcan 
they, moreover, suspected the ambitious views, the tastes, and 
character of an adventurer, while they rendered justice to his 
superior talents. However, as he was the only general equal to 



Dumouriez Assembles a Council of War 145 

to important a position, the executive council gave him the 
command of the army of the Moselle 8«ve mm uie 

to that of Sedan. He assembled a council of war, in which the 

Uh^ °PT° ""^ '" ^^''" °^ '«'™8 t°*"ds Chilons or 
Va^T' !?^ ^^^g themselves with the Mame. Far from 
adopting this dangerous plan, which would have dUcouraged the 
troops, given up Lorraine, Trois Ev«chfa, and a part ofOM- 

r^i ^ f,^T "'?'" *^rJ°^ *" P"^' I><anouriez conceived 
a ^oject fuU of genius. He saw that it was necessary, b/a 

Sw'^^k'. *° '^T"' °" ** '°««t °f Argonne, whire he 
Z^i,^ ^r^'? "SP '^^ '"""y- ™« forest had fiur issues! 
^i! ^L^f?'*"'/?5''«4f on the left; those of the Croix-a^-' 

tfTri^f t^T'^^^T ^^^ "'".'^' ""^ »'«'* °f Les Islettes on 
Ae right, which opened or closed the passage into France. The 
ftimians were only six leagues from the forest, and Dumouriez 
^e^n^H f "^^ over,andhis design of occupj;ingit toconceS! 
rf he hoped for success. He executed his project skilfuUv and 
^nli ,GenenU Dillon, advancing on the Isle{?2, t^^,^ 
a^AlfT/^^ seven thousand men; he hii^iself rSd 
^^ ^"^.^'^^ *'.*»bhshed a camp of thirteen thousand 
m^;.,^ •T'"';?°i'' T^ '•"^ Chgne-Populeux were in like 
manner occupied and defended by some troops'. It was here that 
T,™^^i. !>?* P"^ter "' ^^. Servan:-" Verdun is taken; 
I await the Prussians, 'n.e camps of Grandpr^ and Les Isletts^ 

JL^o^id™.^"'* °* ^"^'*' ""^ ' ^'"" •- -<'"= ''-^^ 

«,?h^llfl''*°°' Dumouriez might have stopped the enemy, 
Zir In ^ .^r ''2""'^ ""^"^ ^ succour which Were on 
w^Jn^nf" ^™.*'°'° *^^ P»« of France. TTie various 
battalions of volunteers i^pamsd to the camps in the interior, 
whence they were despatched to his army, as soon as they were 
n^^-.ITf^n'?'*' of dlTcipline. Beumon^ille, who wa. on^ 
Flemish frontier, had received orders to advance with nine thou- 
sand men, and to be at Rhitel, on Dumouriez's left, by the i,th 
l^^T^'- ^^^ :;?i '^° °" ^* 7th to march ^th se4n 
SZ^n T '°J^ Ch«ne-Populeux; and Kellermann was 
t^^ T *'*'?' °° ^ "K'^*' "^^ a reinforcement of 
twenty-two thousand men. Time, therefore, was aU that was 
necessary. 

The duke of Brunswick, after taking Verdun, passed the 
Meuse m three colunms. General Qairfait was operarinTon his 
nj^t, and prmce Hohenlohe on his left. Renoimdng ril hope 



146 



The French Revolution 



1= I 



I 



I 

I 

i 



of driving Dumouriez from hif position by attacking him in 
front, he tried to turn him. Dumouriex had been so imprudent 
as to place nearly his whole force at Grandpr< and the Islettes, 
and to put only a small corps at ChCne-Populeux and Croix- 
au-Bois— posts, it is true, of minor importance. The Prussians, 
accordinj^ly, seized upon these, and were on the point of turning 
him in his camp at Grandpr<, and of thus compelling him to lay 
down his arms. After this grand blunder, which neutralized his 
first manoeuvres, he did not despair of his situation. He tnoke 
up his camp secretly during the night of the 14th September, 
passed the Aisne, the approach to which mi^t have been closed 
to him, made a retreat as able as his advance on the Argonne had 
been, and concentrated his forces in the camp at Sainte-Mene- 
hould. He had aheady delayed the advance of the Prussians 
at Argonne. The sfcason, as it advanced, became bad. He had 
now only to maintain his post till the arrival of Kellermann and 
Beumonville, and the success of the campaign would be certain. 
The troops had become disciplined and inured, and the army 
amounted to about seventy thousand men, after the arrival of 
Beumonville and Kellermann, which took place on the 17th. 

The Prussian army had followed the movements of Dumouriez. 
On the aoth, it attacked Kellermann at Vahny, in order to 
cut off from the French army the retreat on ChUons. There 
was a brisk cannonade on both sides. The Prussians advanced 
in columns towards the heights of Valmy, to carry them. 
Kellermann also formed his infantry in columns, enjoined them 
not to fire, but to avrait the approach of the enemy, and charge 
them with the bayonet. He gave this command, with the cry 
of Vive la nation I and this cry, repeated from one end of the 
line to the other, startled the Prussians jtill more than the 
firm attitude of our troop. The duke of Brunswick made his 
somewhat shaken battalions fall back; the firing continued 
till the evening; the enemy attempted a fresh attack, but were 
repulsed. The day was ours; and the success of Valmy, almost 
insignificant in itself, produced on our troops, and upon opinion 
in France, the effect of the most complete victory. 

From the same epoch may be dated the discouragement and 
retreat of the enemy. The Prussians had entered upon this 
campaign on the assurance of the emigrants that it would be a 
mere military promenade. They were without magazines or 
provisions; in the midst of a perfectly open country, they en- 
countered a resistance each day more energetic; the incessant 
rains had broken up the roads; the soldiers marched knee-deep 



Retreat of the Prussians 147 

/^'"''n"''' '* 'T. *'y» P*"' ^^ ~™ had been their only 
^A "T^- ^'^'"^ ^y "»• ='"*y '"»ter, want of doS 
and damp, had made great ravages in the an^v T?,e duVe^f 
Brunswick advised a retreat, con^ to the^b^ion of the kini 
1^"" '^'^ the emigrants, who wished to risk a battle a^d 
get possession of ChWons. But as the fate of Th, Pr,,'. • 
momu-chy depended on its an^y,^d the e^tfrl mJTIZ 
«my would be the inevitable coiVn« of al^,^^^^^^^ 
of Brunswick s opinion prevailed. Negotiations were owned 
«d the Prussians, abating their first demands, nSt only reS 

Z ^nvS h !? • '''"« "^V^ constitutional tZne.^ S^ 
the convention had just assembled; the republic had been nra- 
dauned, and the executive councU replied " thaTthfjVpn^ 
republic could listen to no proposition SntS'the Xs^^SS 
had entirely evacuated the French territory." •nTpruaSr 
upon thB^commenced their retreat on the evening of thTwZf 
fc^- ^\ ?"^ ^"8^''y *""'b«d by KX™aLn,^whoS. 

bJS r^T^\^ '"""" ""*'"""* f°^ the invasion^ 
Belgium. The French troops reentered Verdun and Lodcttv- 
and the enemy after having crossed the Ardemies and lCS 
&r ^^a^' ?''™' " ^Wentz, towards the enHf 
October This campaign had been marked by general success 
In Flanders, the duke of Saxe-Teschen had been comMUen; 
mse the siege of Ule, after seven days of a bomSem'^! 
twry, both m its duration and in its useless barbarity o^l 
tte usages of war. On the Rhine, Custine had taken Tr4v« 

■^^/^^ ^"^'T- ^".''"= ^f»' 8"«''J MontesquioulS 
mvaded Savoy, and general Anselme the territory of Nice Our 
^.es, victorious in all directions, had everywhere a«^ed ib^ 
offensive, and the revolution was saved «»uiuea me 

If we were to present the picture o a state emerging from a 
grea cnsis, and were to say: "There were in tlTftaie a^ 
absolute govermnent whose authority has been resTrict^d t^ 
pnvJeged classes which have lost their supremacy a ^t 
population, already freed by the effect of^Stion ^d 

obhged by reason of repeated refusals, to gain these for thm 
«Wes "; a we were to add: " The govem^t, after opS 
this revolution, submitted to it, but the prvileeed d^ 
constantly opposed it,"-the foUowmg would ZtaWv^ 
concluded from these data: prooawy be 

" The government will be full of regret, the people will exhibit 



148 



The French Revolution 



dtitruit, and the privileged chfsee will attack the new order oi 
thing*, each in iu own way. The nobility, unable to do m at 
hone, from its weakneit there, will emigrate, in order to excite 
foreign powers, who will make preparations for attack; the 
clergy, who would lose its means of action abroad, will remain 
at home, where it will seek out foes to the revolution. The 
people, threatened from without, in danger at home, irritated 
agi^t the emigrants who seek to arm foreign powers, against 
foreign powers about to attack its independence, against the 
clergy, who excite the country to insurrection, will treat as 
enemies clergy, emigrants, and foreign powers. It will require 
first surveillance over, then the banislunent of the refractory 
priests; cmfiscation of the property of the emigrants; war 
against allied Europe, in order to forestall it. The first authors 
of the revolution wiH condemn such of these measures as shall 
violate the law; the continuators of the revolution will, on the 
contrary, regard them as the salvation of the country; and 
discord will arise between those who prefer the constitution to 
the state, and those who prefer the state to the constitution. The 
monarch, induced by his interests as king, his affections and his 
conscience,to reject such a course of policy, will pass for an accom- 
plice of the counter-revolution, because he will appear to protect 
It. The levolutionisU will then seek to gain over the king by 
intimidation, and failing in this, will overthrow his authority." 
Such was the history of the legislative assembly. Internal 
disturbances led to the decree against the priests; external 
menaces to that against the emigrants; the coahtion of foreign 
powers to war against Europe; the first defeat of our armies, 
to the formation of the camp of twenty thousand. The refusal 
of Louis XVI. to adopt most of these decrees, rendered him an 
object of suspicion to the Girondists; the dissensions between 
the latter and the constitutionalists, who desired some of them 
to be legislators, as in time of peace, others, enemies, as in time 
of war, disunited the partisans of the revolution. With the 
Girondists the question of liberty was involved in victory, and 
victory in the decrees. The aoth of June was an attempt to 
force their acceptance; but having failed in its effect, they 
deemed thateither the crown or the revolution must be renounced, 
and they brought on the loth of August. Thus, but for emigra- 
tion which induced the war, but for the schism which induced the 
(Usturbances, the king would probably have agreed to the con- 
stitution, and the revolutionists would not have dreamed of the 
republic. 



THE NATIONAL CONVENTION 

CHAPTER VI 
nou THi aoTH or sEPTUun, 1792, to th« aisT or 

JANtJABY, 1793 

'iH« convention wa^ constituted on th;: 10th of September, 179J, 
and commenced its deliberations on the aist. In its first sittiiu 
it abolished royalty, and proclaimed the republic. On the aand, 
it appropriated the revolution to itself, by declaring it would 
not date from year IV. of Liberty ; but from year I. ofAe French 
RepuUie. After these first measures, voted by acclamation, 
with a sort of rivalry in democracy and enthusiasm in the two 
parties, which had become divided at the close of the legislative 
assembly, the convention, instead of commencing its labours, 

Sive itself up to intestine quarrels. The Ginmdists and the 
ountain, before they established the new revolution, desired 
to know to which of them it was to belong, and the enormous 
dangers of their position did not divert them from this contest. 
They had more than ever to fear the efforts of Europe. Austria, 
Prussia, and some of the German princes having attacked 
IVance before the loth of August, there was every reason to 
believe that the other sovereigns of Europe would declare against 
it after the fall of the monarchy, the imprisonment of the king, 
and the massacres of September. Within, the enemies of the 
revolution had increased. To the partisans of the ancient 
T^lime, of the aristocracy and clergy, were now to be added the 
friends of constitutioned monarchy, with whom the fate of 
Louis XVI. was an object of earnest solicitude, and those who 
imagined liberty impossible without order, or under the empire 
of the multitude. Amidst so many obstacles and adversaries, at 
a moment when their strictest union ^iras requisite, the Gironde 
and the Mountain attacked each other with the fiercest animosity. 
It is true that these two parties were wholly incompatible, and 
that their respective leaders could not combine, so strong and 
varied were the grounds of separation in their rivalry for power, 
and in their designs. 
Events had compelled the Girondists to become republicans. 
149 



I50 



The French Revolution 



It would have (uited them far better to hav« remained con- 
ititutionalisti. The inte^ty of their purpoiet, their dii taite for 
the multitude, their avenion for violent measures, and especiaUv 
the prudence which counieUed them only to attempt that which 
seeined poesible— every circumstance made this imperative upon 
them; but they had not been left free to remain what they at 
first were. They had followed the bias which led them onward 
to the republic, and they had gradtuUly habituated themselves 
to this form of government. They now desired it ardently and 
sincerely, but they felt how difficult it would be to establish and 
consolidate it. They deemed it a great and noble thing; but 
they felt that the men for it were wanting. The multitude 
had neither the intelligence nor the virtue proper for this kind 
of government. The revolution effected by the constituent 
assembly was legitimate, still more because it was possible than 
because it was just ; it had its constitution and its citizens. But 
a new revolution, which should call the lower classes to the 
conduct of the state, could not be durable. It would injuriously 
afiect too many interests, and have but momentary defenders, 
the lower class being capable of sotad action and conduct in a 
crisis, but not for a permanency. Yet, in consenting to this 
second revolution, it was this inferior class which must be looked 
to for support. The Girondists did not adopt this course, and 
they found themselves placed in a position altogether false ; they 
lost the assistance of the constitutionalists without procuring 
that of the democrats; they had a hold upon neither extreme <rf 
society. Accordingly, they only formed a half party, which was 
somt overthrown, Ixcause it had no root. The Girondists, after 
the loth of August, were, between the middle class and the 
multitude, what the monarchists, or the Mounier and Necker 
party, had been after the 34th of July, between the privileged 
classes and the bourgeoisie. 

The Mountain, on the contrary, desired a republic of the 
people. The leaders of this party, annoyed at the credit of the 
Girondists, sought to overthrow and to supersede them. They 
were less intelligent, and less eloquent, but abler, more decided, 
and in no degree scrupulous as to means. The extremest 
democracy seemed to them the best of governments, and what 
they termed the people, that is, the lowest populace, was the 
object of their constant adulation, and most ardent solicitude. 
No party was more dangerous; most consistently it laboured 
for diose who fought its battle. 

Ever since the opening of the convention, the Girondists had 



The Composition of the Mountain 151 

occupM the right benches, and the Mountain party the lummit 
of the Mt, whence the name by which they are designated. The 
Girondiitt were the itroogett in the atiembly; the electionf in 
the departmenu had generally been in their favour. A great 
number of the deputies of the legislative assembly had been 
re-elected, tnd as at that time connexion effected .mch, the 
members who had been united with the depu';. r. Jt the 
Gironde and the commune of Paris before the i"h ■ A,'l^..<, 
returned with the same opinions. Others cairi; w ' ut anv 
particular system or party, without enmities t t-wli i.t- its: 
these formed what was then called the Plain< vt the A/a/.- . 
This party, taking no interest in the strt'PKics i \.v i-n (.',• 
Gironde and the Mountain, voted with the iiie tliev '■.)>;idef»:d 
the moet just, so long as they were allowed to be mo^ n alv : that 
is to say, so lon^ as they had no fears for themscivcs 

The Mountain was composed of deputies of Piris -loc.-ii 
under the influence of the commure of the loth of ni' ;u:''. and 
(rf some very decided republicans from the provinces; it, from 
time to time, increased its ranks with those who were rendered 
enthusiastic by circumstances, or who were impelled by fear. 
But though inferior in the convention in point of numbers, it 
was none the less very powerful, even at this period. ItswayMl 
Paris; the commune was devoted to it, and the commune had 
managed to constitute itself the supreme authority in the state. 
The Mountain had sought to master the departments, by en- 
deavouring to establish an identity of views and conduct between 
the municipality of Paris and the provincial municipalities; 
they had not, however, completely succeeded in this, and the 
departments were for the most part favourable to their adver- 
saries, who cultivated their good will by means of pamphleu and 
journals sent by the minister Roland, whose house the Mountain 
called a bureau d'esprit public, and whose friends they called 
intrigants. But besides this junction of the communes, which 
sooner or later would take place, they were adopted by the 
Jacobins. This club, the most influential as well as the most 
ancient and extensive, changed its views at every crisis without 
changing its name ; it was a framework ready for every dominat- 
ing power, excluding all dissentients. That at Paris was the 
metropolis of Jacobinism, and governed the others almost 
imperiously. The Mountain had made themselves masters of 
it; they had already driven the Girondists from it, by denun- 
ciation and disgust, and replaced the members taken from 
the bourgeoisie by sans-culottes. Nothing remained to the 



I 



I 



152 



The French Revolution 



Girondists but the ministry, who, thwarted by the commune, 
were powerless in Paris. The Mountain, on the contrary, dis- 

r id of all the effective force of the capital, of the public mind 
the Jacobins, of the sections and faubourgs by the sans- 
culottes, of the insurrectionists by the municipality. 

The first measure of parties after having decreed the republic, 
was to contend with each other. The Girondists were indignant 
at the massacres of September, and they beheld with horror 
on the benches of the convention the men who had advised 
or ordered them. Above all others, two inspired them with 
antipathy and disgust; Robespierre, whom they suspected of 
aspinng to tyranny; and Marat, who from the commencement 
of the revolution had in his writings constituted himself the 
apostle of murder.. They denounced Robespierre with more 
animosity than prudence; he was not yet sufficiently formidable 
tomcur the accusation of aspiring to the dictatorship. His 
enemies by reproaching him with intentions then improbable, 
and at all events incapable of proof, themselves augmented his 
popularit]^ and importance. 

Robespierre, who played so terrible a parf, in our revolution, 
was beginning to take a prominent position. Kitherto, despite 
his efforts, he had had superiors in his own party: under the 
constituent assembly, its famous leaders; under the legislative, 
Brissot and Potion; on the loth of August, Danton. At these 
different periods he had declared himself against those whose 
renown or popularity offended him. Only able to distinguish 
himself among the celebrated personages of the first aissmbly 
by the singularity of his opinions, he had shown himself an 
exaggerated reformer; during the second, he became a constitu- 
tionalist, because his rivals were innovators, and he had talked 
in favour of peace to the Jacobins, because his rivals advocated 
war. From the loth of August he essayed in that club to ruin 
the Girondists, and to supplant Danton, always associating the 
cause of his vanity with that of the multitude. This man, of 
ordinary talents and vain character, owed it to his inferiority to 
rank with the last, a great advantage in times of revolution; and 
his conceit drove him to aspire to the first rank, to do all to 
reach it, to dare all to maintain himself there. 

Robespierre had the qualifications for tyranny; a soul not 
great, it is true, but not common; the advantage of one sole 
ptssion, the appearance of patriotism, a deserved reputation for 
incorruptibility, an austere Hfe, and no aversion to the effusion 
of Uood. He was a fatwf that amidst civil troubles it is not 



Robespierre's Aspirations 153 

S^rinf ^^^- "'^*^' '"^ *° P""*'"^ '"rtune, and that per- 
r^^.i i*T'y "."J"* P°'^rf"l t^ wavering geiSus. 
It must also be observed that Robespierre had the sup^itol a^ 
mmiense and fanatical sect whose government he had solicit 
and whose pnnaples he had defended since the close of tte 
^muent assembly. TTus sect derived its origfa^om t*^ 
^teenth century certain opmions of which it represented. In 
^S^'f ? 7^^ """ ^^ *'*°'"*« sovereignty of the Conlrat 
^ ■ J- Jv^T'f "' "^^ ^°' "««»' it JjeW the deism of to 

ceeded m reabzmg these for a moment in the constiTution of 'o, 
and the worship of the Supreme Being. More fanaticism a^d 
2^m existed in the different epochs of the revolution than I 
generally supposed. 

bJJ!^*"" ^ G^ondists distinctiy foresaw the dominion of 
l^^^'- !;•'""? "^^r "^""'^ themselves to be ouried 
o?Z ,^JS "■ '."'^Knat.o", they accused him, with republicans, 
of the most serious of cnmes. Paris was agitated by tlie spirit 
"' ^*'^"' ^ Girondiste wished to pass a kw against tS^ who 
excited disorders and violence, and 4ttiie same time toX the 
convention an independent force derived from the eighty-three 
departmenb. They appointed a commission to present aW? 
on this subject. The Mountain attacked this measure m in- 
junous to Paris; the Gironde defended it, by pointing out Ae 
project of a tnumvurate formed by the deputatiSn of Piris " I 
iras bom m Paris " said Osselin; " I am deputy for that town 
It IS announced that a party is formed in the very heart ofh' 
dMinng a dictatorship, triumvirs, tribunes, etc. I declare that 
extreme Ignorance or profound wickedness alone could have 
conceived such a project. Let the member of the deputation 
of Paris who has conceived such an idea be anathemitized ' " 
Yes, exdauned Rebecqui of Marseilles, " yes, there exists in 
^ assembly a party which aspires at the didiSpf^d" 
will name the leader of this party; Robespierre. ThM is the 
mwi whom I denounce." Barbaroux supported this denuncia- 
tion by his evidence; he was one of the chief authors of the loth 
of August ; he was the leader of the Marseillais, and he possessed 
mmense influence m the south. He stated that about die loth 
Ik T?^' *« Marseillais were much courted by the two parties 
who divided the capital; he was brought to Robespierre's, and 
there he was told to ally himself to those citizens who had ac- 
qumsd most popularity, and that Paris expressly named to him 
KoDespurre, as the virtuous man who was to be dictator of France'. 



>54 



The French Revolution 



Barbaroux was a man of action. There were some members 
of the Right who thought with him, that they ought to conquer 
their adversaries, in order to avoid being conquered by them. 
They wished, making use of the convention against the com- 
mune, to op]x>se the departments to Paris, and while they 
remained weak, by no means to spare enemies, to whom they 
would otherwise be granting time to become stronger. But the 
greater nimiber dreaded a rupture, and trembled at the idea of 
energetic measures. 

This accusation against Robespierre had no immediate con- 
sequences; but it fell back on Marat, who had recommended a 
dictatorship, in his journal " L'Ami du Peuple," and had ex- 
tolled the massacres. When he ascended the tribune to justify 
himself, the assembly shuddered. "A has I i bos I" re- 
sounded from all sides. Marat remained imperturbable. In a 
momentwy pause, he said: " I have a great number of personal 
enemies in this assembly. {Tons I Urns .') I beg of them to 
remember decorum; I exhort them to abstain from all furious 
clamours and indecent threats against a man who has served 
liberty and themselves more than they think. For once let them 
learn to listen." And this man delivered in the midst of the 
convention, astounded at his audacity and sangfroid, his views 
of the proscriptions and of the dictatorship. For some time he 
had fled from cellar to cellar to avoid public anger, and the 
warrants issued against him. His sanguinary journal alone 
appeared; in it he demanded heads, and prepared the multitude 
for the massacres of September. There is no folly which may 
not enter a man's head, and what is worse, which may not be 
realized for a moment. Marat was possessed by certain fuced 
ideas. The revolution had enemies, and, in his opinion, it could 
not last unless freed from them; from that moment he deemed 
nothing could be more simple than to exterminate them, and 
appoint a dictator, whose functions should be Umited to pro- 
scribing; these two measures he proclaimed aloud, with a cynical 
cruelty, having no more regard for propriety than for the lives 
of men, and despising as weak minds all those who called his 
projects atrocious, instead of considering them profound. The 
revolution had actors really more sanguinary than he, but none 
exercised a more fatal influence over his times. He depraved 
the morality of parties already sufficiently corrupt ; and he had 
the two leading ideas which the conmiittee of public safety sub- 
sequently realized by its commissioners or its government- 
extermination in mass, and the dictatorship. 



Report on the State of France 155 

Marat's acawatioii was not attended with any results- he 

r^I^-nT" '^"'8"*' 5"' ^ ^'^•^ "^ Robespierre; some 
regMded him as a madman; others considered these debates 

Se^rhT M P"^«=«'."»d "ot « <" object of interest for 
™L^K^- ""^^o^"' " swnwd dangerous to attempt to 
^l ^ffi convention, or to dismiss one of its members, iid it 
was a difficult step to get over, even for parties. Danion did 
not exonerate Marat. " I do not like him^said he; " I have 
n^n!^^.™"^ °* ''^ temperament; it is volcanic, crabbed and 

nf !^ I .^ '''^ f^""'^ agitation any other cause than that 
01 the revolutionary movement itself? " Rob^sDierr- on his 
I«rt protested that he knew very little of Marat; thI7, pr^viou^ 

1, aft! "k'I"^''' **' ^ "'^y ^ °"« conversation wi^ 
him, after which Marat, whose violent opinions he did not 
Wiove had considered his pohtical views so narrow, that he 
^stated m his journal, tiuU/ukad nether ihe higher views Z 
the danng of a staUsnum. * <^i mir 

But he was the object of much greater indignation because 
te w« more dreaded. The first accusation oflebecqur^d 
SSufi'S' ^^ not succeeded. A short time afterwards, the 
Mimster Roland made a report on the state of Fnmce and Paris ; 
H nf^!!"""""^ "^^ "^""es of September, the encroach- 
°When "tl/r^WK' '^^ f" Proceedings of the agitators. 
When, ^id he, they render the wisest and most intrepid 
defenders of hberty odious or suspected, when prind^s Sit 
»d slaughter are boldly professed and applaudedTthe «I^m- 
Wies, ^d clamours arise against the convention itself, I can no 
longer doubt that partisans of the ancient regime, or false friends 
a ^tr„? '.''°" -'^^u^ '•'"'" '''favagance or wickedness under 
a mask of patriotism, have conceived the plan of an overthrow 
m which they hope to raise themselves on rSins and^o^^TZ 
gratify their thirst for blood, gold, and atrocity " ^^ ' 

p^sident of the second section of the criminal tribunal informed 
hm, that he and the most distinguished Girondists were 
threatened; that, m the words of their enemies, another bu7d?nt 

rbeTpTe',;!'' ''" *'"' "'" """''* '^^ °^ "° °"^ b^f 

JL^^.. v"''' "?,'>*'*." ^'^^'^^ to the tribune to justify 
himself. _ No one," he crmd, " dare accuse me to my face' " 

of thf r ■ T ™\^ ^T^*' °°* °* *« "ost determined men 
of the Gironde. Yes, Robespierre," he continued, fixing hi 



156 



The French Revolution 



ejre upon him; " I accuse youl " Robespierre, hitherto fuU of 
astnrance, became moved. He had once before, at the Tacobini 
mewured his strength witii this formidable adversary, nbom 
he knew to be witty, impetnous, and uncompromising. Louvet 
now spoke, and in a most eloquent address spared neither acts 
nor names. He traced the course of Robespierre to the Jacobins, 
to the commune, to the electoral assembly: " calumniating the 
best patriots; lavishing the basest flatteries on a few hundred 
citizens, at first designated as the people of Paris, afterwards as 
the people absolutely, and then as the sovereign; repeating the 
eternal enumeration of his own merits, perfections, and virtues; 
and never failing, after he had dwelt on the strength, grandeur, 
and sovereignty of the people, to protest that he was the people 
too." He then described him concealing himself on the loth of 
August, and afterwards swaying the conspirators of the com- 
mune. Then he came to the massacres of September, and 
exclaimed: " The revolution of the loth of August belongs to 
all! " he added, pointing out a few of the members of the 
Mountam in the commune, " but that of the 2nd of September, 
I j that belongs to them— and to none but them! Have they not 

■^ glorified themselves by it? They themselves, with Iwutal con- 

tempt, only designated us as the patriots of the loth of August. 
With ferocious pride they called themselves the patriots of the 
and of September ! Ah, let them retain this distinction worthy 
of tiie courage peculiar to them; let them retain it as ow 
jiHtification, and for their lastii^ shame! These pretended 
fnends of the people wish to cast on the people of Paris thr 
horrors that stained the first week of September. They have 
basely slandered them. The people of Paris can fight; they 
cannot murder I It is true, they were assembled all the day long 
before the chateau of the Tuileries on the glorious loth of August ; 
It is false that they were seen before the prisons on the horrible 
2nd of September. How many executioners were there within ? 
Two hundred; probably not two hundred. And without, how 
many spectators could be reckraied drawn thither by truly 
incomprehensible curiosity ? At most, twice the number. But, 
it is asked, why, if the people did not assist in these murders, 
did they not hinder them? Why? Because Potion's tutelary 
authority was fettered; because Roland spoke in vain; because 
Danton, the minister of justice, did not speak at all, . . . 
because the presidents of the forty-eight sections waited for 
orders which the general in command did not give; because 
municipal officers, wearing their scarfs, presided at these 



Robespierre Justifies Himself 157 

atrodoos executions. But the legislative assemblv? Tl,. 
lepshtiye ass«bly! iep««nt.ti^o< X Se you ^U 

were reduced is, in the midst of such crimes, the weatSff^ 

ven»an« I k!^ \Z: J"*™"""!- I renounce the ust 
r^tri^*tK^M° P"""" ««»^ ""y calumniati^ 

it^rty^ bT^T,^*^ "^S"? "' •*"" '"'^ triumph" 
order of t^J^ *PP"«"ded, and the convention passed to the 
mZ.a \^ ^""''* '" ""^ '""ght to replyVhe was not 
anowed, Ba»*»r<,« as vainly presented himse] Z. ISus^r 
and Unjumais opposed the motion for the order v^tho^t ^t^^ 

lum for their kader because the Girondist, pursued^ af 

mf^\h}f, *^. ■»"=•' """^ important than personal attacks 
were the discussions respecting the means of foven^ent „d 



.58 



The French Revolution 



I 



the nuuiagemeat M authorities tnd parties. The Girondists 
struck, not only against individuals but i^ainst the commune. 
Not one of their measures succeeded ; they were badly proposed 
or badly sustained. They should have supported the govern- 
ment, replaced the municipality, maintained their post among 
the Jacobins and swayed them, gained over the multitude, or 
prevented its acting; er<u they did nothing of tU this. One 
among them, Buzot, proposed giving the convention a guard 
of three thousand men, taken from the departments. This 
measure, which would at least have made the assembly inde- 
pendent, was not supported with sufficient vigour to be adopted. 
Thus the Girondists attacked the Mountain without weakening 
them, the conmiune #ithout subduing it, the Faubourgs without 
suppressing them. They irritated Paris by invoking the aid of 
the departments, without procuring it; thus acting in opposition 
to the most common rules of prudence, for it is always safer to 
do a thing than to threaten to do it. 

Their adversaries skilfully turned this circumstance to 
advantage. They secretly circulated a report which could 
not but compromise the Girondists; it was, that they wished 
to remove the republic to the south, and give up the rest of the 
empire. Then commenced that reproach of federalism, which 
afterwards became so fatal. The Girondists disdained it because 
they did not see the consequences; but it necessarily gained 
credit in proportion as they became weak and their enemies 
became daring. What had given rise to the report was the 
project of defending themselves behind the Loire, and removing 
the government to the south, if the north should be invaded and 
Paris taken, and the predilection they manifested for the pro- 
vinces, and their indignation against the agitators of the capital. 
Nothing is more easy than to change the appearance of a 
measure by changing the period in which the mea!ii..e was 
adopted, and discover in the disapprobation express''' at the 
irregular acts of a city, an intention to form the other cities of 
the state into a league against it. Accordingly, the Girondists 
were pointed out to the multitude as federalists. While they 
denounced the commune, and accused Robespierre and Marat, 
the Mountain decreed the unity and indivisibility of the republic. 
This was a way of attacking them and bringing them into 
suspicion, although they themselves adhered so eagerly to these 
propositions that they seemed to regret not having made them. 

But a circumstance, apparently unconnected with the disputes 
of these two parties, served still better the cause of the Mountain, 



The Girondc and the Mountain 159 

Already emboldened by the unsuccessful attempts which had 
been dn-ected agamst them, they only waited for kn opportunity 
to become assailants m their turn. The convention wk, fatigued 
^ these long discussions. Those members who were n™ 
^rested m them, and even those of the two parties who were 

^ZIJ '^- 'f ""^ "'^'^ °^ '"""^'<^' ^"d wished to 
see men occupy themselves with the republic. There was an 
^parent truce, and the attention of the assembly was directed 
™n^"?T°V'° i*"' "** constitution, which the Mountain 
caused It to abandon, m order to decide on the fate of the 
Men pnnce. The eaders of the extreme Left were driven to 
A T"^ I ^""^^ '"°"''*' '■ ^^^y '^'d not want the Girondists 
^fw' f ^"^*'' "'• ""^^ °' "*•' P'"'"- w''° 'li™':ted the com-' 
HH«n. V .^"""""fon, the former by Potion, Condorcet, 
.nT-^i' ^"■^"'"<*' Gensonn^, the others by Bar^ire, Sieyis' 
and Thomas Paine, to organize the republic. They would liv^ 
established the system of the bourgeoisie, rendering it a little 
more democratic than that of 179,, while they thei^lve! 
T^u"- ^"fr''^ "^^ P'J'P'^- «"» '^y could only^j;;^! 
Ei^.o^""' "Ik ^^ P°r'.' ^*^ "'^y •=""" only obtain ^wer by 
protractmg the revolutionary state in France. Besides the 
necessity of preventing the establishment of legal order by a 
terrible coup d'etat, such as the condemnation of Louis XVI 
whidi would arouse all passions, raUy round them the violent 
^les, by proving them to be the inflexible guardians ot the 
republic, they hoped to expose the sentiments of the Girondists 
who did not conceal their desire to save Louis XVI., and thu^ 
ruin them in the estimation of the multitude. There were 
mthout a doubt, in this conjuncture, a great number of the 
Mountain, who, on this occasion, acted with the greatest sincerity 
and only as republicans, in whose eyes Louis XVI. appeared 
guilty with respect to the revolution; and a dethroned kiJ!ig was 
dangerous to a young democracy. But this party would have 
been more c ement, had it not had to ruin the Gironde at the 
same time with Louis XVI. 

For some time past, the public mind had been prepared for 
his trial The Jacobm club resounded with invectives against 
mm; the most injunous reports were circulated against his 
character; his condemnation was required for the firm establish- 
iMnt of hberty. The popular societies in the departments 
iddressed petitions to the convention with the same object 
Ihe sections presented themselves at the bar of the assemWv' 
»nd they carried through it, on litters, the men wounded on the 



i6o 



The French Revolution 



I 



f 



loth of August, who came to cry for vengeance on Louii Capet. 
Tlivy now only designated Louis XVI. by this name of the 
ancient chief of his race, thinking to substitute his title of king 
by his family name. 

Party motives an.l jopular animosities combined against this 
unfortunate prince. Those who, two months before, would 
have repelled the idea (■ -ixposing him to any other punishment 
than that of dethron i".>ni, were stupefied; so quickly does man 
lose in moments of -. -i^-i the right to defend his opinions 1 The 
discovery of the ire. chest especially increased the fanaticism 
of the multitude, and the weakne. > of the king's defenders. 
After the loth of August, there were found in the offices of the 
civil list documents Whidi proved the secret correspondence of 
Lo\VS XVI. with the discontented princes, with the emigration, 
and with Europe. In a report, drawn up at the command of the 
legislative assembly, he was accused of intending to betray the 
state and overthrow the revolution. He was accused of having 
written, on the i6th April, 1791, to the bish(^ of Clermont, that 
if he regained his power he would restore the former government 
and the clergy to the state in which they previously were; of 
having afterwards proposed war, merely to hasten the approach 
of hb deUverers; of having been in correspondence widi men 
who wrote to him — " War mil compel all the powers to comlnne 
against the seditious and abandoned men who tyrannize over 
France, in order that their punishment may speedUy serve as an 
example to all who shall be induced to trouble the peace ol 
empires. You may rely on a hundred and fifty thousand men, 
Prussians, Austrians, and Imperialists, and on an army of 
twenty thousand emigrants; " of having been on terms with his 
brothers, whom his public measures had discountenanced: and. 
lastly, of having constantly opposed the revolution. 

Fresh documents were soon brought forward in support of 
this accusation. In the Tuileries, behind a panel in the wainscot, 
there was a hole wrouf^t in the wall, and closed by an iron door. 
This secret closet was pointed out by the minister, Roland, and 
there were discovered proofs of all the conspiracies and intrigues 
of the court against the revolution; projects with the popular 
leaders to strengthen the constitutional power of the king, to 
restore the ancient regime and the aristocrats; the manoeuvres 
of Talon, the arrangements with Mirabeau, the proposition 
accepted by Bouille, under the constituent assembly, and some 
new plots under the legislative assembly. This discovery 
increased the exasperation against Louis XVI. Hirabeau's bust 



The Trial of the King i6i 

WM broken by the Jacobins, and the convention covered the 
one which stood in the hall where it held iu sittings. 

For some time there had been a question in the assevnbly as 
to the trial of this prince, who, having been dethroned, could 
no longer be proceeded against. There was no tribunal em- 
powered to pronounce his sentence, no punishment which could 
be inflicted on him: accordingly, they plunged into false inter- 
pretations of the mvioUbility granted to Louis XVI., in order 
to condemn him legally. The greatest error of parties, next to 
being unjust, is the desire not to appear so. The committee of 
legislation commissioned u draw up a report on the question 
M to whether Louis XVL could be tried, and whether he could 
J t"«\ by the convention, decided in the affirmative. The 
deputy MaillM! opposed, in its name, the dogma of inviolabUity • 
but as this dogma had influenced the preceding epoch of the 
revolution, he contended that Louis XVL was inviolable as king 
but not as an individual. He maintained that the nationTun- 
.nLff^^T"''- '^ufH""!**f respecting acts of power, had 
supplied the mviolability of the monarch by the responsibility 
of his ministers; and that, when Louis XVL had acted as a 
sunple mdividual, his responsibility devolving on no one he 
ceased to be mviolable. Thus Mailhe Umited the constitutional 
safeguard given to Louis XVL to the acts of the kimr He 
concluded that Louis XVI. could be tried, the dethronement 
not bemg a punishment, but a change of government; that he 
nught be brought to trial, by virtue of the penal code relative 
to trwtors and conspirators; that he could be tried by the con- 
vmtion, without observing the process of other tribunals 
pe<»use, the convention representing the people— the peopfe 
mcludmg all mterests, and all interests constituting iust£e--it 
was unpossible that the national tribunal could violate justice 
and that, consequently, it was useless to subject it to forms' 
buch was the cham of sophistry, by means of which the com- 
mittee transformed the convention into a tribunal. Robespierre's 
party showed itself much more consistent, dwelling only on 
state reasons, and rejecting forms as deceptive. 

The discussion commenced on the 13th of November, six days 
alter the report of the committee. The partisans of inviolability 
while they considered Louis XVI. guilty, maintained that te 
could not be tried. The principal of these was Morrison He 
SMd, that m variability waa general; that the consuiution had 
anuapated more than secret hostihty on the part of Louis XVI 
an open attack, and even in that case had only pronounced his' 



1 6a 



The French Revolution 






M 



I 



deposition; that in thk rapect the nation had pledged itt 
lovereignty; Uutt the mission of the convention wm todiange 
the govenunent, not to judge Louis XVI.; that, restrained bv 
the rules of justice, it was so also by the usa^ of war, whicb 
only permitted an enemy to be destroyed dunng-the combat- 
after a victory, the law vindicates hun; that, moreover, the 
republic had no interest in condemning Louis; that it ought to 
confine itself with respect to him, to measures of general safety, 
detain him prisoner, or banish hun from France. This was the 
opinion of the Rigfat of the convention. The Plain shared the 
opinion of the committee; but the Mountain repelled, at the 
same time, the inviolability and the trial of Louis XVI. 

" Citiiens," said aunt- Just, " I engage to prove that the 
opinion of Morrison, who maintains the lung's inviolability, and 
that of the committee which requires his trial as a citizen, are 
equally false; I contend that we should judge the king as an 
enemy; that we have less to do with trying than with opposing 
him: that having no place in the contract which unites French- 
men, the forms of the proceeding are not in dvil law, but in the 
law of the right of nations; thus, all delay or reserve in this case 
are sheer acts of imprudence, and next to the imprudence which 
postpones the moment that should give us laws, the most fatal 
will be that which makes us temporize with the king." Reduc- 
ing everything to considerations of enmity and policy, Saint- 
Just added, " The very men who are about to try Louis have a 
republic to establish: those who attach any importance to the 
just chastisement of a king, will never found a republic. Citizens, 
if the Roman people, after six hundred years of virtue and of 
hatred towards kings; if Great Britain after the death of Crom- 
well, saw kings restoT..d in spite of its energy, what ought not 
good citizens, friends cf liberty, to fear among us, when they see 
the axe tremble iii your hands, and a people, from the first day 
of their freedom, respect the memory of their chains? '! 

This violent party, who wished to substitute M&up d'itat for 
a sentence, to follow no law, no form, but to stnke Louis XVI. 
like a conquered prisoner, by making hostilities even survive 
victory, had but a very feeble majority in the convention; but 
without, it was strongly supported by the Jacobins and the 
commune. Notwithstanding the terror which it already inspired, 
its murderous suggestions were repelled by the convention; and 
the partisans of inviolability, in their turn, courageously asserted 
reasons of public interest at the same time as rules of justice and 
humanity. They maintained that the same men could not be 



Discussion on the Trial of the King 163 

judge* and hgid»toii, the jury and the acctuen. They desired 
^ to unpart to the riting republic the luitre of great virtues, 
those of generosity and forgiveness; they wished to follow the 
•sample of the people of Rome, mbo acquired their freedom and 
retamed it five hundred yean, because they proved themselves 
magnanimous; because they banished the Tarquins instead of 
puttmg them to death. In a political view, they showed the 
consequences of the king's condemnation, as it would afiect the 
anarchical party of the kingdom, rendering it stiU more insolent; 
and with regard to Europe, whose still neutral powers it would 
mduce to join the coahtion against the republic. 

But Robespierre, who during this long debate displayed a 
danng and perseverance that presaged hu power, appeared at 
the tribune to support Saint- Just, to reproach the convention 
with mvolvmg m doubt what the insurrection had decided and 
with restoring, by sympathy and the publicity of a defence, the 
fallen royahst party. " The assembly," said Robespierre, " has 
mvoluntanly been led far away from the real question. Here we 
have nothmg to do with trial: Louis is not an accused man • you 
•re not judges, you are, and can only be, statesmen. Vou'have 
no sentence to pronounce for or against a man, but you are 
«lled on to adopt a measure of pubhc safety; to perform an act 
of national precaution. A dethroned king is only fit for two 
pirposes, to disturb the tranquillity of the stote, and shake its 
freedom, or to strengthen one or tl» other of Aem. 

"Louis was kin*; the republic is founded; the famous 
question you are discussing is decided in these few words 
Louis cannot be tried; he is abeady tried, he is condemned, or 
Ae republic is not absolved." He required that the convention 
should declare Louis XVI. a traitor towards the French, criminal 
towards humanity, and sentence him at once to death, by virtue 
of the insurrection. 

TheMountain.by these extreme propositions, by the popularity 
they attained without, rendered condemnation in a measure 
inevitable. By gaining an extraordinary advance on the other 
parties, it obliged them to follow it, though at a distance. The 
majorityof theconvention,composed in a large part of Girondists 
who dared not pronounce Louis XVI. inviolable, and of the Plain' 
deaded, on Potion's proposition, against the opinion of the' 
fanatical Mountain and against that of the partisans of in- 
^(riabihty, that Louis XVI. should be tried by the convention. 
Robert Lindet then made, in the name of the commission of the 
twenty-one, his report respecting Louis XVI. The arraignment. 



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164 



The French Revolution 



setting forth the offences imputed to him, was drawn up, and 
the convention summoned the prisoner to its bar. 

Louis had been confined in the Temple for four months. He 
was not at liberty, as the assembly at first wished hiia to be m 
assigning him the Luxembourg for a residence. The suspicious 
commune guarded him closely; but, submissive to his destiny, 
prepared for everything,he manifested neither impatience,regret, 
nor indignation. He had only one servant about his person, 
Ciiiy, who at the same time waited on his family. Durmg the 
fii-st months of his imprisonment, he was not separated from his 
family; and he still found solace in meeting them. He com- 
forted and supported his two companions in misfortune, his wife 
and sister; he acted as preceptor to the young dauphin and gave 
him the lessons of an unfortunate man, of a captive king. He 
read a great deal, and often turned to the History of England, by 
Hume; there he read of many dethroned kings, and one of them 
coftdemned by the people. Man always seeks destinies sunilar 
to his own But the consolation he found in the sight ot his 
family did not last long; as soon as his trial was decided, he was 
separated from them. The commune wished to prevent the 
prisoners from concerting their justification; the surveillance it 
exercised over Louis XVL became daUy more minute and severe. 
In this state of things, Santerre received the order to conduct 
Louis XVI. to the bar of the convention. He repaired to the 
Temple, accompanied by the mayor, who communicated his 
mission to the king, and inquired if he was wilhng to descend. 
Louis hesitated a moment, then said: " This is another violence. 
I must yield! " and he decided ou appearmg before the con- 
vention; not objecting to it, as Charles I. had done with regwd 
to his judges. "Representatives," said Barr4re, when his 
approach was announced, " you are about to exercise the right 
of national justice. Let your attitude be suited to your new 
functions; " and turning to the gallery, he added Citizens, 
remember the terrible silence which accompanied Louis on his 
return from Varennes; a silence which was the precursor of the 
trial of kings by nations." Louis XVI. appeared firm as he 
entered the hall, and he took a steady glance round the assembly. 
He was placed at the bar, and the president said to him in a voice 
of emotion: " Louis, the French nation accuses you You are 
about to hear the charges of the indictment. Louis, be seated. 
A seat had been prepared for him; he sat in it. During a long 
examination, he displayed much calmness and presence oij^^, 
he replied to each question appropriately, often m an affectmg 



The King at the Bar of the Assembly 165 
and triumphant manner. He repeUed the reproaches addressed 

lm";wT"'"\'''''- """'^"•^^ ^f°'' '^' '4th of July remSg 
them that his authority was not then limited ; before he journey 

h«H r""''/ ^^J^' ^'5«=« of the constituent assembly which 
had been satisfied with h,s replies; and after the loth of August 
tt n^K*^ P"''"'" '^'^ °" ministerial responsibility, and by 
to Wm^ ^^^'f ' -'f •P.^.^^^J-Wch were personally attributed 
to him. This denial did not, however, in the eyes of the con- 
vention, overthrow facts, proved for the most pJby documents 
written or signed by the hand of Louis XVI. himself ; he made 
use of the natural right of every accused person. Thus he did 
not admit the existence of the iron chest,^d the pa^,, that 
were brought forward. Louis XVL invoked a laJT^afetv 
which the convention did not admit, and the convention sought 

xvrri^ot :zr'-'^^'''"*'°""y ^^^-p^- -^^-^ ^-- 

When Louis had returned to the Temple, the convention 
considered the request he had made for a defender. A few of 
the Mountain opposed the request in vain. The convention 
determined to allow him the services of a counsel It Sen 
that the venerable Malesherbes offered himself to he con^ntio" 
to defend Louis XVI. "Twice," he wrote, " have I teen 

when that function was the object of ambition to every man 
1 owe him the same service now, when many consider it 
dangerous." His request was granted, Louis XVI. Tnhs 
abandonment, was touched by this proof of devotion. When 
MaJesherbes entered his room, he went towards him, pressed him 
m his arms, and said with tears:-" Your sacrifice is the more 

^n'/""''u Tt T '""iT' y°"' °^ "fe without saving 
mine. Malesherbes and Tronchet toiled uninterruptedly a! 
his defence, and associated M. Des^ze with them; they sought 
to reanimate the courage of the king, but they fiund (he kine 

no matter let us attend to my trial as if I were about to gain it 

iI",*'iK*lf 5'"" J*' ^°: ^ '^'^ '^^^-^ "° '^ "" my memory." 
Atlength the day for the defence arrived ; it was delivered by 
M I^size; Louis was present. The profoundest silence ner- 
vaded the assembly and the galleries. M. Des^ze availed him^lf 
of every consideration of justice and innocence in favour of the 
roy^ prisoner. He appealed to the inviolability which had been 
panted him; he asserted that as king he could not be tried- 
that as accusers, the representatives of the people could not b^ 



1 66 



The French Revolution 



his judges. In this he advanced nothing which had not already 
been maintained by one party of the assembly. But he chiefly 
strove to justify the conduct of Louis XVI. by ascribing to him 
intentions always pure and irreproachable. He concluded with 
these last and solemn words:—" Listen, in anticipation, to what 
History will say to Fime ; Louis ascending the throne at twenty, 
presented an example of morals, justice, and economy; he had 
no weakness, no corrupting passion : he was the constant friend of 
the people. Did the people desire the abolition of an oppressive 
tax? Louis abolished it: did the people desire the suppression 
of slavery? Louis suppressed it: did the people solicit refr.ms? 
he made them: did the peoijle wish to change its laws? he 
consented to change them: did the people desire that millions 
of Frenchmen should be restored to their rights? he restored 
them: did the peopk wish for liberty? he ^ve it them. Men 
cannot deny to Louis the glory of having anticipated the people 
by his sacrifices; and it is he whom it is proposed to slay. 
Citizens, I will not continue, I leave it to History; remember, 
she will judge your sentence, and her judgment will be that of 
ages." But passion proved deaf and incapable of foresight. 

The Girondists wished to save Louis XVI., bat they feared 
the imputation of royalism, which was already cast upon them 
by the Mountain. During the whole transaction, their conduct 
was rather equivocal; they dared not pronounce themselves in 
favour of or against the accused; and their moderation ruined 
them without serving him. At that moment his cause, not only 
that of his throne, but of his life, was their own. They were 
about to determine, by an act of justice or by a coup d'itat, 
whether they should return to the legal regime, or prolong the 
revolutionary regime. The triumph of the Girondists or of the 
Mountain was involved in one or the other of these solutions. 
The latter became exceedingly active. They pretended that, 
while following forms, men were forgetful of republican energy, 
and that the defence of Louis XVI. was a lecture on monarchy 
addressed to the nation. The Jacobins powerfully seconded 
them, and deputations came to the bar demanding the death of 
the king. 

Yet the Girondists, who had not dared to maintain the ques- 
tion of inviolability, proposed a skilful way of saving Louis XVI. 
from death, by appealing from the sentence of the convention 
to the people. The extreme Right still protested against the 
erection of the assembly into a tribunal; but the competence 
of the assembly having been previously decided, all their efforts 



The King Condemned to Death 167 

terrible quYstK to the^t„tXh-^^^^ '^'" '^''' *' 
in a statl nf fi,. _: X ^ "^ture of the punishment. Paris wfl« 

the populie were dreldST. Z't l^ ^T?'*' °" *« i'*" o* 
extr^^ant inTectivS^;,t T ^"^w? ^'"^ "soundeil with 
Mountl.til™rheSst^'vYl-i'"'^" ^'^'- "^^ 
to obtain the maioritvbrwnr Iff '^"'5*f?" .on, sought 
none the less t^S« UuT5^vi T"*?-' "/'" "" ""^'^' 
nominal appeal, ^Snt, V^niaKd- Chl^l'T °' 
about to proclaim the result of the sCTu^inv 'wK ^'^' ^."" 
spoken, humanity should Lve itsTu™"' t^«" J"^*"* has 
hundred and twenty-one votm TT,.,?/ i ^?" ^"'^ '«^» 
hundred and sixty-one TTifdeath^f T^ ""^^""'y ''^ *•»«» 
majority of twenty" ix yotJ ^L^''^"^^'^^''^^''^by'' 
Girondists voted for Ws death ^h o ' "'*"'. ^^O' various: 
most of the members of Ae RiX „. "J^^?*'"". '» is true; 

who had undertaken th» ^.7f„ ^ ' *°, ** "^eath." Those 
were deejay aff^eS "^hev Tnl*"'*'^'^ "' '^^ ''"^ *ey 
assembly^to^^nStsKmSsir^^o" •^>>*^'' *^ 
small majority in favour of the Sci CJv'^T "^^"^ 
already been discussed and dedd^ ^L^ ^ f ''J^'^! '^ 
a simple majority," said one rf t^MouJ:?^ "" v'^ ^^^^l 

P.ventedhis„ttera^^.^\?c^:?;^-J;'>-^^^^^^^^^^ 



i68 



The French Revolution 



words of entreaty. His grief moved the assembly. The request 
for a reprieve was received by the Girondists as a last resource; 
but this also failed them, and the fatal sentence was pronounced. 

Louis expected it. When Malesherbes came m tears to 
announce the sentence, he found him sitting in the dark, his 
elbows resting on a table, his face hid in his hands, and in pro- 
found meditation. At the noise of his entrance, Louis rose and 
said: " For two hours I have been trying to discover if, during 
my reign, I have deserved the slightest reproach from my sub- 
jects. Well, M. de Malesherbes, I swear to you, in the truth of 
my heart, as a man about to appear before God, that I have 
constantly sought the happiness of my people, and never in- 
dijged a wish opposed to it." Malesherbes urged that a reprieve 
would not be rejected, but this.Louis did not expect. As he saw 
Malesherbes go out, Louis begged him not to forsake him in his 
last moments; Malesherbes promised to return; but he came 
several times, and was never able to gain access to him. Louis 
asked for him frequently, and appeared distressed at not seeing 
him. He received without emotion the formal announcement 
of his sentence from the minister of justice. He asked three 
days to prepare to appear before Cod; and also to be allowed 
the services of a priest, and permission to communicate freely 
with his wife and children. Only the last two requests were 
granted. 

The interview was a distressing scene to this desolate family; 
but the moment of separation was far more so. Louis, on part- 
ing with his family, promised to see them again the next day; 
but, on reaching his room, he felt that the trial would be too 
much, and, pacing up and down violently, he exclaimed, " I 
will not go 1 " This was his last struggle; the rest of his time 
was spent in preparing for death. The night before the execu- 
tion he slept calmly. CUry awoke him, as he had been ordered, 
at five, and received his last instructions. He then communi- 
cated, commissioned Cliry with his dying words, and all he was 
allowed to bequeath, a ring, a seal, and some hair. The drums 
were already beating, and the dull sound of travelling cannon, 
and of confused voices, might be heard. At length Santerre 
arrived. "You are come for me," said Louis; "I ask one 
moment." He deposited his will in the hands of the municipal 
officer, asked for his hat, and said, in a firm tone: " Let us go." 

The carriage was an hour on its way from the Temple to the 
Place de la Revolution. A double row of soldiers lined the road ; 
more than forty thousand men were under arms. Paris pre- 



Execution of ♦ j King 



169 



^^ItJS "I ""P"'*-, ^* "' '^ P'^'ent " the execution 
^MnftK ""th" W'^ose nor regret; aU were sUent. O^ 
H^I^hP/k'" "'execution, Louis alighted from the carriaT 
He ascended the scaffold with a firm step, knelt to received 
benedicton of the pnest who is recorded to have said, " Son 0I 
Samt Louis, ascend to heaven!" With some repu^ance he 

left of the scaffold; "I die innocent," said he; " I forrive mv 
enemies; and you, unfortunate people . . ." Here atfsinSl 
ihe drum, and trumpets droned his voice, a^dlhetlTr^' 
S toXe."""' "''"■ ^' **" "'""'« afte^ten he'h'S 
ve^^^^il' " '•" ^ °i thirty-nine, after a reign of sixteen 
weK o? mni^^r '"^^'^^''-o"™? t° do good,tSe best but 
weakest of monarchs. His ancestors bequeathed to him a 
revolution He was better calculated thL any of them to 
prevent and terminate it; for he was capablfo^f becomW a 

kmg afterwards. He is, perhaps, the only prtace who, having 
no other passion, had not that of power, and who united the two 
qua^ties which make good kings'; fear' of God and We of ^ 

S' of thnC^f 1' ' * ^'^""u''^ P"^?'""" '^'"■^ »>« did not 
snare, of those of the persons about hun, to which he was a 

Fewmemones of kmgsare so commendable. Historywill sayof 
hun that, with a little more strength of mind, he would Z^ 
been an exemplary king. ""uju u«vc 



170 The French Revolution 



CHAPTER vn 

FROH THE aiST OF JANUAKY, 1793. TO THE »ND OF JOKE 

The death of Louis XVI. rendered the different parties irre- 
concilat' ;, and increased the external enemies of the revolution. 
The republicans had to contend with all Europe, with several 
classes of malcontents, and with themselves. But the Mountam, 
who then directed the popular movement, imagined that they 
were too far involved not to push matters to extremity. To 
terrify the enemies of the revolution, to excite the fanaticism of 
the people by harangues, by the presence of danger, and by m- 
surrections; to refer everything to it, both the government and 
the safety of the republic; to infuse into it the most ardent 
enthusiasm, in the name of liberty, equality, and fraternity; to 
keep it in this violent state of crisis for the purpose of malung 
use of its passions and its power; such was the plan of Danton 
and the Mountain, who had chosen him for their leader. It was 
he who augmented the popular effervescence by the growmg 
dangers of the republic, and who, under the name of revolu- 
tionary government, established the despotism of the multitude, 
instead of legal liberty. Robespierre and Marat went even 
much further than he. They sought to erect into a permanent 
government what Danton considered as merely transitory. 
The latter was only a political chief, while the others were true 
sectarians ; the first, more ambitious, the second, more fanatical. 
The Mountain had, by the catastrophe of the 21st of January, 
gained a great victory over the Girondists, whose politics were 
much more moral than theirs, and who hoped to save the revolu- 
tion, without staining it with blood. But their humanity, their 
spirit of justice, proved of no service, and even turned against 
them. They were accused of being the enemies of the people, 
because they opposed their excesses; of being the accomphces 
of the tyrant, because they had sought to save Louis XVI. ; and 
of betraying the republic, because they recommended modera- 
tion. It was with these reproaches that the Mountain persecuted 
them with constant animosity in the bosom of the convention, 
from the aist of January till the 31st of May and the and of June. 
The Girondiste were for a long time supported by the Centre, 



Disunion in the Assembly 171 

which sided with the Right against murder and anarchy, and 
with the Left for measures of public safety. This mass, which 
properly speaking, formed the spirit of the convention, displayed 
some courage, and balanced the power of the Mountain and th. 
Commune as long as it possessed those intrepid and eloquent 
Girondists, who carried with them to prison and to the scaffold 
all the generous resolutions of the assembly. 

For a moment, union existed among the various parties of the 
assembly. Lepelletier Saint Fargeau was stabbed by a retired 
member of the household guard, named P4ris, for having voted 
the death of Louis XVI. The members of the convention, 
umted by common danger, swore on his tomb to forget their 
enmities; but they soon revived them. Some of the murderers 
of September, whose punishment was desired by the more 
honourable republicans, were proceeded against at Meaux. 
The Mountain, apprehensive that their past conduct would be 
mquired into, and that their adversaries would take advantage 
of a condemnation to attack them mori openly themselves, put 
a stop to these proceedings. This impunity further emboldened 
the leaders of the multitude ; and Marat, who at that period had 
au incredible influence over the multitude, excited them to 
pillage the dealers, whom he accused of monopolizing provisions. 
He wrote and spoke violently, in his pamphlets and at the 
Jacobins, against the aristocrary of the burghers, merchants, 
and statesmen (as he designated the Girondists), that is to say, 
against those who, in the assembly or the nation at large, stili 
opposed the reign of the Sans-culottes and the Mountain. There 
was something frightful in the fanaticism and invincible obstinacy 
of these sectaries. The name given by them to the Girondists 
from the beginning of the convention, was that of Intrigants, on 
account of the ministerial and rather stealthy means with which 
they opposed in the departments the insolent and public conduct 
of the Jacobins. 

^^ Accordingly, they denounced them regularly in the club. 
"At Rome, an orator cried daily: 'Carthage must be de- 
stroyed! ' well, let a Jacobin mount this tribune every day, and 
say these single words, 'The intrigants must be destroyed!' 
Who could withstand us ? We oppose crime, and the ephemeral 
power of riches; but we have truth, justice, poverty, and virtue 
m our cause. With such arms, the Jacobins will soon have to 
say: ' We had only to pass on, they were abeady extinct.' " 
Marat, who was much more daring than Robespierre, whose 
hatred and projects still concealed themselves under certain 



172 



The French Revolution 



forms, wai the patron of all denouncers and lovers of anarchy. 
Several of the Mountain reproached him with compromising their 
cause by his extreme counsels, and by unseasonable excesses ; but 
the entire Jacobin people supported him even against Robes- 

Eierre, who rarely obtamed the advantage in his disputes with 
im. The pillage recommended in February, in L'Ami du 
PeupU, with respect to some dealers, " by way of example," 
took place, and Marat was denounced to the convention, who 
decreed his accusation after a stormy sitting. But this decree 
had no result, because the ordinary tribunals had no authority. 
This double effort of force on one side, and weakness on the other, 
took place in the month of February. More decisive events soon 
brought the Girondists to ruin. 

Hitherto, the military position of France had been satisfactory. 
Dumouriez had just crowned the brilliant campaign of Argonne 
by the conquest of Belgium. After the retreat of the Prussians, 
he had repaired to Paris to concert measures for the invasion of 
the Austrian Netherlands. Returning to the army on the 30th 
of October, 1793, he began the attack on the liih. The plan 
attempted so inappropriately, with so little strength and success, 
at the commencement of the war, was resumed and executed 
with superior means. Dumouriez, at the head of the army of 
Belgium, forty thousand strong, advanced from Valenciennes 
upon Mods, supported on the right by the army of the Ardennes, 
amounting to about sixteen thousand men, under general 
Valence, who marched from Givet upon Namur; and on his left, 
by the army of the north, eighteen thousand strong, under 
general Labourdoimaie, who advanced from Lille upon Tournai. 
The Austrian army, posted before Mons, awaited battle in its 
intrenchments. Dumouriez completely defeated it; and the 
victory of Jemappes opened Belgium to the French, and again 
gave our arms the ascendancy in Europe. A victor on the 6th 
of November, Dumouriez entered Mons on the 7th, Brussels on 
the 14th, and Li^ge on the 18th. Valence took Namur, Labour- 
donnaie Antwerp ; and by the middle of December, the invasion 
of the Netherlands was completely achieved. The French army, 
masters of the Meuse and the Scheldt, went into their winter 
quarters, after driving beyond the Roer the Austrians, whom 
they might have pushed beyond the Lower Rhine. 

From this moment hostilities began between Dumouriez and 
the Jacobins. A decree of the convention, dated the 15th of 
September, abrogated the Belgian customs, and democratically 
organized that country. The Jacobins sent agents to Belgium 



War Declared against Great Britain 173 

to propaf|ate revolutionary principles, and esUblish cluba on 
the mod.l of the parent society; but the Flemings, who had 
receiveJ us with enthusiasm, became -ool at the heavy demands 
made upon them, and at the generu. iUage and insupportable 
anarchy which the Jacobins brought ■ xh them. AU tlw party 
that had opposed the Austrian army, and hoped to be free under 
the protection of France, found our rule too severe, and regretted 
hamg sought our aid, or supported us. Dumouriez, who had 
projects of mdependence for the Flemings, and of ambition for 
himself, came to Paris to complain of this impolitic conduct 
with ngard to the conquered countries. He changed his hitherto 
equivocal course; he had employed every means to keep on 
terms with the two factions; he had ranged himself under the 
banner of neither, hoping to make use of the Rieht tiirough his 
Jriend Gensonn<, and the Mountain through Danton and LKroix. 
whilst he awed both by his victories. But in this sevond journey 
he tried to stop the Jacobins and save Louis XVI.; not having 
been able to attain his end, he returned to the army to begin the 
second campaign, very dissatisfied, and determined to make 
tus new victories the means of suspending the revolution and 
cnan^ng its government. 

This time all the frontiers of France were to be atta'-ked by 
the European powers. The military successes of the revolution 
and the catastrophe of the jist of January, had made most of 
theundecided r.: neutral governments join the coalition 

The court of St. James', on learning the death of Louis XVI 
dismissed the ambassador Chauvelin, whom it had refused to 
acknowledgesmce the loth of August and the dethronemeiit of 
the kmg. The convention, finding England already leagued 
w.ch the coalition, and conseque.ntly all its promises of neutrality 
vam and elusive, on the ist of February, 1793, declared wm 
a^inst the king of Great Britain and the stadt^older of HoUand 
who had been entirely guided by the English cabinet since' 
1788. England had hitherto ; -eserved the appe-trances of 
neutrality, but it took advantage of this opportunity to apivar 
on the scene of hostilities. For some time disposed for a 
rupture, Pitt employed all his resources, and in the space of six 
months concluded seven treaties of alliance, and six treaties of 
subsidies.' England thus became the soul of the coalition against 
« These treaties were as follows: the 4th March, article! between Great 
Britain and Hanover; 25th March, treaty of aJliaice at 'Jndra itw^ 
R««a and Great Britain; loth April, treaty of ?uteiSe» wuS tbJ 2S 
Ev frlJ?'**! S?*""' Vit ^•"J'- ^^^'y "' subsidies with Sardinia; IJS 
May, treaty of alliance at Madrid with Spain; litb July, treaty of aiuaicS 



»74 



The French Revolution 



Fhutce; h'^rfleett were ready to s«il; the minister had obtained 
3,Mo,oooi. extraordinary, and Pitt designed to profit bv our 
revolution by securii^ the preponderance of Great Britain, u 
Richelieu and Mazann had taken advantage of the crisis in 
England in 1640, to establish the French domination in Europe. 
The court of St. James' was only influenced by motives of 
English interests; it desired at any cost to effect the consolida- 
tion of the aristocratical power at home, and the exclusive 
empire in the two Indies, and on the seas. 

The court of St. Tames' then made the second levy of the 
coalition. Spain had just undergone a ministerial change; the 
famous Godoy, dulce of Alcudia, afterwards Prince of the Peace, 
iud been placed at the head of the government by means of an 
intrigue of England and the emigrants. This power came to 
a rupture with the republic, after having interceded in vain for 
Lotus XVI., and made its neutrality the price of the life of the 
kin J. The German empire entirely adopted the war; Bavaria, 
Suubia, and the elector palatine joined the hostile circles of the 
empire. Naples followed the example of the Holy See ; and the 

■ 1 only neutral powers were Venice, Switzerland, Sweden, Den- 

mark, and Turkey. Russia was still engaged with the second 

! partition of Poland. 

The republic was threatened on all sides by the most warlike 
troops of Europe. It would soon have to face forty-five thousand 
Austro-Sardinians in the Alps; fifty thousand Spaniards on the 
Pyrenees ; seventy thousand Austrians or Imperialists, reinforced 
by thirty-eight thousand English and Dutch troop, on the 
Lower Rhine and in Belgium; thirty-three thousand four hun- 
dred Austrians between the Meuse and the Moselle; a hundred 
and twelve thousand six hundred Prussians, Austrians and 
Imperialists on the Middle and Upper Rhine. In order to con- 
front so many enemies, the convention decreed a levy of three 
hundred thousand men. This measive of external defence was 
accompanied by a party measure for the interior. At the 
moment the new battalions, about to quit Paris, presented 
themselves to the assembly, ihe Mountain demanded the estab- 
lishment of an extraordinary tribunal to maintain the revolution 
at home, which the battalions were going to defend on the 

with Naples, the kingdom of the Two Sicilies: 14th July, treaty of alliance 
at the camp before Mayence with Prussia; 30th August, treaty of alliance 
•t London with the emperor; iist September, treaty of subsidies with the 
margrave of Baden; a6th Sieptember, treaty of alliance at London with 
Portugal. By these treaties England gave considerable subsidies, more 
cqwdaUy to Austria and Prussia. 



The Efforts of the Coalition 1 75 
frontien. Thi. tribunal, conmied of nine members wu to 
try without jury or appeal. TlieGirondisti aroJTwiS' JlX^? 

hr!!„ kT^' ''*''• ^y '""»*<^ ^ ^ favouring the enemis of 
M Sv^K,'''' ™J'^""8 a tribunal intended to puaUnSm 
AU they obtained was the introduction of juries^nto it the 
rmoval of «,me violent men, and the power of Jmullkg itj 
•cto, as long as they mainUined any influence. ' 

The principal eSorto of the coalition were directed a>.in.t 
tte vast frontier extending from the north sea rHunZ,™ 
I^fZV' Coburg, at the head of the Austrian,, was t^?^ 
ttaFrench amy on the Ro«r and the Meuse, to enter SlS 

C^mi^ ^^^Tk' »1 "^ ""^^ ^^'' *h°"W march St 
il^-ifk '"'»>^*^' »"5°""d Mayence, and after iSH 
rt^new the precedmg mvasion. These two irmies of opeS 
*^ sustamed m the intermediate position 'y comCte 
A^^. ^''""«' •'JFO«ed by ambitious id relc^Wj 
dMkns, at a moment when he ought only to hj thoueh S 
V^ o France, proposed to hiLelf t^o re^stabtohX mo^ 
Sli^u '\V' '" y"f °' *^' convention and Europe ^t 
BouUl< could not do for an absolute, nor Lafayette for a^ 
ititutional throne, Dumouriez, at a less prSi" me hon 
al<Mie to carry through in the interest of a desK ^™t'it^^^^^^ 
among factions, as cu-cumstances dictated to a Kenu-ajfnd ev^ 

o;;^vThem%r' "^"^r? ?"'•"*'• afuS, ^'oX 
to sway them. He conceived a design of forminu a uartv out of 

opposed to the stadtholdership, and to Enirlish infln.n^rT! 

SL?'h^""^'° "^^ J"^"^^'- to -i^ ""urnri , \n 
a smgle mdependent state, and secure for himself their noli^loi 
protectorate after having acquired aU the "of aTonCe^^ 

Ae «^»f H- ^T"^i. ^' '"" *° 8"'" over his^^A, S on 
the capital, dissolve the convention, put down doduIo^ mf,r^« 

This project, unpracticable amidst the great sh^k bet^M 
the revolution and Europe, appeared easy to the fiery^S 

tim^atened from Mayence to the Roer, he threw hLelf on^ 
kft of the operations, and entered Holland at the h^d rf 
twenty thousand men. By a rapid march he wi to reaTh the 
centre of the Umted Provinces, attack the fortress^ from behind 
«id be jomed at Nymegea by twenty-five thoSml uS 



176 



The French Revolution 



i 



General Miranda, who would probably have made hinuelf 
master of Maestricht. An army of forty thousand men was to 
observe the Austrians and protect his right. 

Dimiouriez vigorously prosecuted his expedition into Holland ; 
he took Breda and Gertruydinberg, and prepared to pass the 
Biesbos, and capture Dordrecht. But the army of the right 
experienced in the meantime the most alarming reverses on the 
Lower Meuse. The Austrians assumed the offensive, passed the 
RoSr, beat Miazinski at Aix-la-Chapelle; made Miranda raise 
the blockade of Maestricht, which he had uselessly bombarded; 
crossed the Meuse, and at lAige put our army, which had fallen 
back between Tir!emont and Louvain, wholly to the rout. 
Dumouriez received from the executive council orders to leave 
Holland immediately, and to take the command of the troops in 
Belgium; he was compelled to obey, and to renounce in part his 
wildest but dearest hopes. 

The Jacobins, at the news of these reverses, became much 
more intractable; unable to conceive a defeat without treachery, 
especially after the brilliant and unexpected victories of the last 
campaign, they attributed these military disasters to party com- 
binations. They denounced the Girondists, the ministers, and 
generals who, tiiey supposed, had combined to abandon the 
republic, and clamoured for their destruction. Rivalry mingled 
with suspicion, and they desired as much to acquire an exclusive 
domination, as to defend the threatened territory; they began 
with the Girondists. As they had not yet accustomed the 
multitude to the idea of the proscription of representatives, they 
at first had recourse to a plot to get rid of them; they resolved 
to strike them in the convention, where they would all be 
assembled, and the night of the loth of March was fixed on for 
the execution of the plot. The assembly sat permanently on 
account of the public danger. It was decided on the preceding 
day at the Jacobins and Cordeliers to shut the barriers, sound 
the tocsin, and inarch in two bands on the convention and the 
ministers. They started at the appointed hour, but several 
circumstances prevented the conspirators from succeeding. The 
Girondists, apprised, did not attend the evening sitting; the 
sections declared themselves opposed to the plot, and Beumon- 
ville, minister for war, advanced against them at the head of 
a battalion of Brest federalists; these unexpected obstacles, 
together with the ceaseless rain, obliged the conspirators to 
disperse. "Hie next day Vergniaud denounced the insurrectional 
committee who had projected these murders, demanded that the 



Failure of the Jacobins 



executive council should be commissioned to make inouiri« 
respectmg the conspiracy of the loth of March ^^^Z 

lecTionai committee. ' We eo " «aiH h» " fc„~ • 
amnesties, from amnesties to cSlies Numbers oriti^'X^e 
begun to confound seditious insurrectio.^ wkh tt SeTii^r 
S«t o "^n"^'.*° "!°^ °" "^ ^^^''^^^ of robCT*; 
^neral secunty. We have witnessed the develooment of th.I 

h^f^f l'""?^ °^ "'^"y' '" ^Wch we are told: ^yo" w 
but thmk with us, or we will denounce you to the ve^<^c7^f 
the people; you are free, but bow dow^ your head tfthSfdo 
we worship, or we will denounce you to the venwance of thi 

t^ j^thtar "^'"""^ p™p°'*'^ ''y ^"s"'^"'' '«" 

thri^'fi^^'°''r "^'^ '"'PP^'' '^ « '""■nent by the faUure of 
their first enterprise agamst their adversaries • h.,t fh-;! 

rection of U Vend&lave them nm couTaS,' "^^e VenX^" 
war was an inevitable event in the revoIu3" Thf ^^^^^ 
bounded bythe Loire and thesea,cros^rSewroSs so°rffi 

s* clTSidS' ti::^::;^^;^'^-^^^^^^^ 
noSrr t^-^rerrm^^dS::! rt^^«- 

no middle class because there were no towns, or verv few Z 
that time the peasants had acquired no other ideSantwI 
few communicated to them by the priests and hid ^n» ^ 
their interests from those of the Siv Thp« ■ P,"^*'^ 
sturdy men, devotedly attached to thofd s^e of S !?H 
not understand a revolution, which was the result o T^f^t'^ 
necessities entirely foreign to their situaVfon ^e ^bks Sd 



178 The French Revolution 

against each other, and bring about the triumph of the old or of 
the new civilization. 

Partial disturbances had taken place several times in La 
Vendte. In 1793 the count de la Rouairie had prepared 1 
general rising, which failed on account of his arrest; but all yet 
remained ready for an insurrection, when the decree for raising 
three hundred thousand men was put into execution. This levy 
became the signal of revolt. The Vend&ms beat the gendarmerie 
at Saint 'Florent, and took for leaders, in different directions, 
Cathelineau, a waggoner, Charette, a naval officer, and Stofflet, 
a gamekeeper. Aided by arms and money from England, the 
insurrection soon overspread the country; nine hundred com- 
munes flew to arms at the sound of the tocsin; and then the 
noble leaders Bonchamps, Lescure, La Rochejaquelin, d'Elb^, 
and Talmont, joined the others. The troops of the line and the 
battalions of the national guard who advanced against the in- 
surgents were defeated. General Marci was beaten at Saint 
Vincent by Stofflet; general Gauvilliers at Beaupriau, by 
d'Elb^ and Bonchamps; general Quetineau at Aubiers, by La 
Rochejaquelin; and general Ligonnier at Cholet. The Ven- 
dians, masters of Chatillon, Bressuire, and Vihiers, considered it 
advisable to form some plan of organization before they pushed 
their advantages further. They formed three corps, each from 
ten to twelve thousand strong, according to the division of La 
Vendue, xmder three commanders; the fast, under Bonchamps, 
guarded the banks of the Loire, and was called the Armee 
d'Anjou; the second, stationed in the centre, formed the Grande 
arnUe under d'Elb^; the third, in Lower Vendfe, was styled the 
Armie du Marats, under Charette. The insurgents established 
a council to determine their operations, and elected Cathelineau 
generalissimo. These arrangements, with this division of the 
coimtry, enabled them to enrol the insurgents, and to dismiss 
them to their fields, or call them to arms. 

The intelligence of this fonnidable insurrection drove the 
convention to adopt still more rigorous measures against priests 
and emigrants. It outlawed all priests and nobles who took 
part in any gathering, and disarmed all who had belonged to the 
privileged classes. The former emigrants were banished for 
ever; they could not return, under penalty of death; their 
property was confiscated. Chi the door of every house, the 
nunes of all its inmates were to be inscribed; and the revolu- 
tionary tribunal, which had been adjourned, began its terrible 
functions. 



Duplicity of Dumouricz 



'79 

onf afterT," ni^*' **1^ "' ."** '^^^y d««ters arrived 

further and «stor°tS'oft^LisTvi LT" '^ f"'"" 

republic/' he added, « it is an idk word Tw f -ff -^"^ *.•"* 
My «ny-,«, my «my rti 4, a, „ J ^ „5 Sm^S^i, 



i8o 



The French Revolution 



stronghold of some fortress, it will express its desire for a king." 
" But your project endangers the safety of the prboners in Ae 
Temple." " Should the last of the Bourbons be killed, even 
those of Coblentz, France shall still have a king, and if Paris 
were to add this murder to those which have already dishonoured 
it, I would instantly march upon it." After thus unguardedly 
disclosing his intentions, Dumouriez proceeded to the execution 
of his impracticable design. He was really in a very difficult 
position; the soldiers were very much attached to him, but they 
were also devoted to their country. He was to surrender some 
fortresses which he was not master of, and it was to be supposed 
that thi generals under his orders, either from fidelity to the 
republic, or from ambition, would treat him as he had treated 
Lafayette. His first attempt was not encouraging; after having 
established himself at Saint Amand, he essayed to possess hrai- 
self of Lille, Cond6, and Valenciennes; but failed m this enter- 
prise. The failure made him hesitate, and prevented his takmg 
the initiative in the attack. 

It was not so with the convention; it acted with a prompti- 
tude, a boldness, a firmness, and, above all, with a precision in 
attaining its object, which rendered success certain. When we 
know what we want, and desire it strongly and speedily, we 
nearly always attain our object. This quality was wantmg 
in Dumouriez, and the want impeded his audacity and deterred 
his partisans. As soon as the convention was informed of his 
projects, it summoned him to its bar. He refused to obey; 
without, however, immediately raising the standard of revolt. 
The convention instantly despatched four representatives: 
Camus, Quinette, Lamarque, Bancal, and BeumonviUe, the war 
minister, to bring him before it, or to arrest him in the midst of 
his army. Dumouriez received the commissioners at the head 
of his staff. They presented to him the decree of the con- 
vention; he read it and returned it to them, saymt Aat the 
state of his army would not admit of his leaving it. He offered 
to resign, and promised in a calmer season to demand judges 
himself, and to give an account of his designs and of his conduct. 
The commissioners tried to induce him to submit, quoting the 
example of the ancient Roman generals. " We are always 
mistaken in our quotations," he replied; "and we disfigure 
Roman history by taking as an excuse for our crimes the example 
of their virtues. The Romans did not kill Tarquin; the Romans 
had a well ordered republic and good laws; they had neither a 
Jacobin club nor a revolutionary tribunal. We live in a tune 



Dumouriez Declared a Traitor 1 8 1 

"^^^- '^'f " '^'i'i.'"' "y ^^^ ■■ I *"• not give it them " 

of hf f "'f ' **"' ^"* *^*"' " "i" y°" o^y the decree 
of the national convention, and repair to Paris? " ''ZiTt 
present." " WeU then, I declare that I suspend you • you a?e 
no longer a general; I order your arrest." " This Ito^ SLT" 

^l^nT""™"' !f^ ^' ^"^ *^ commissioners arrest by 
German hus..ars and dehvered them as hostages to the Austt?anT 
After this act of revolt he could no longer hSitate. DumoS 
made ariother attempt on Condi, but it succeeded no beZ S 

.^ v'\ "* ''i^ ^° ^'^"=« '•>« ««"y to join him, but w^ 
fo«aken by it. The soldiers were likely for a ong ti^e to S 

w.^T.^",M '^''^ «*""^i' ^ attachment to the revoE 
was m aU its fervour, and the civil power in all its force 
Dumouriez experienced, in declaring hi^elf agaifist the con! 

hfm T' *^' ^T r'",'* ^''y"^ experienced when he decl^d 
hunself against the legislative assembly, and BouiUi when he 
declared against the constituent assembly. At this S a 
general, combinmg the firmness of Bouilll with the p^rLtilm 
and popularity of Lafayette, v.th the victories and re^uZ^ S 
Dumouriez, would have failed as they did. TTie reSon 
with the movement imparted to it, was Mcessarily str^«r tZ' 

^DlptrT ^ ^' ^^"^' -^^ ^°'" '^ '^^^^ — -^d 

„*!^?T7?*r' °" ''"™"8 *« "^«^t of the commissioners 
estobhshed i^lf as a pennanent assembly, declared DiSiS 
a traitor to his country, authorized any citizen to attadc^ 
se a price on his head, decreed the famous committt^TouMfc 
safety, and ban^hed the duke of Orleans and^ thrBoutt 
from the republic. Although the Girondiste had^saM 
Dumouriez as warmly as the Mountain, they were accuid rf 
being his accomplices, and this was a new cauTe of «lw 
added to the rest. Their enemies became ever^ day more 
powerful; and it was in moments of public danZr thatZv 
were especially dangerous. Hitherto, in the struggleTt^^ 
the two parties they had carried tlie day on every^L^^" 
had stopped all inquiries mto the massacres of Sept^ber- th^v 
had mamtained the usurpation of the commune; they bS 
obtained, first the trial, then the death of Louis XVL; tl^ou^ 
he^Z^MlM"^"'"^^ of February and the con^pLr^^f 
the loth of March, had remamed unpunished; they had prociwed 



l82 



The French Revolution 



the erection of the revolutionary tribunal despite the Girondists; 
they had driven Roland from the ministry, in disgust; and they 
had just defeated Dumouriez. It only remained now to deprive 
the Girondists of their last asylum— the assembly; this they 
set about on the loth of April, and accomplished on the and 
of June. 

Robespierre attacked by name Brissot, Guadet, Vergniaud, 
Potion, and Gensonn£, in the convention; Marat denounced 
them in the popular societies. As president of the Jacobins, 
he wrote an address to the departments, in which he invoked the 
thunder of petitions and accusations against the traitors and 
faithless delegates who had sought to save the tyrant by an 
appeal to the public or his imprisonment. The Right and the 
Plain of the convention felt that it was necessary to unite. 
Marat was sent before the revolutionary tribunal. This news 
set the clubs in motion, the people, and the commune. By way 
of reprisal, Pache, the mayor, came in the name of the thirty- 
five sections and of the general council, to demand the expulsion 
of the principal Girondists. Young Boyer FonfrMe required to 
be included in the proscription of his colleagues, and the members 
of the Right and the Plain rose, exclaiming, "All I all I " This 
petition, though declared calumnious, was the first attack u^ 
the convention from without, and it prepared the public mind 
for the destruction of the Gironde. 

"ITie accusation of Marat was far from intimidating the 
Jacobins who accompanied him to the revolutionary tribunal. 
Marat was acquitted, and borne in triumph to the assembly. 
From that moment ♦he approaches to the hall were thronged 
with daring sans-culottes, and the partisans of the Jacobins 
filled the galleries of the convention. The clubists and Robes- 
pierre's tricoteuses (knitters) constantly interrupted the speakers 
of the Right, and disturbed the debate; while without, every 
opportunity was sought to get rid of the Girondists. Henriot, 
commandant of the section of sans-culottes, excited against 
them the battalions about to march for La Vendue. Gaudet 
then saw that it was time for something more than complaints 
and speeches; he ascended the tribune. " Citizens," said he, 
" while virtuous men content themselves with bewailing the 
misfortunes of the country, conspirators are active for its ruin. 
With Oesar they say: ' Let them talk, we will act.' Well, then, 
do you act also. The evil consists in the mjpunity of the con- 
spirators of the loth of March; the evil is in anarchy; the evil 
is in the existence of the authorit' •? of Paris — authorities striving 



The Commission of Twelve 183 

at once for gain and dominion. Citizens, there ij yet time ; you 
n^iS.^ "pP"- '"= "l** y*^ compromised gloiV. I pro^e 
k™^^^ ' P^^.^utho""". to replace wfthin twenty-four 
^,Zl,V'".r"'"'^'*?' ''y ^ president of the sections, to 
assemble the convention at Bourges with the least possible 
deky, and to transmit this decree to the departments bfertra- 
o-Jmary couriers." The Mountain was surprised for a moment 
by Guadet's motion. Had his measures been at once adopted 
there wodd have been an end to the domination of the ?om- 

^Tki*"^ ° ?* ^^^ °* ** conspirators; but it is also 
probable that the agitation of parties would have brought on a 
civil war, that the convention would have been dissolved by the 
assembly at Bourges, that aU centre of action would have been 
desttoyed, and that the revolution would not have been sufli- 
^.L 'T^ *° ''°^^^ °«*^* '°**™^ struggles and the 
»^S^i°^.^"5P'vJ^'?. ^ "^^ *« moderateVty in the 
assembly feared. Dreadmg anarchy if the career rf the com- 
mune was not stopped, and counter-revolution if the multitude 
were too closely kept down, its aim was to maintain the balance 
between the two extremes of the convention. This party com- 
prised the committees of general safety and of public safety It 
was directed by Barrire who, like all men of upright intentions 
but weak characters, advocated moderation so long as fear did 
not make him an instrument of cruelty and tyranny. Instead 
ofGuadets decisive measures, he proposed to nominate an 
extraordmary commission of twelve members, deputed to 
inquire into the conduct of the municipality; to seek out the 
authors of the plots against the national repfesentatives, and to 
secure their persons. This middle course was adopted but it 
left the commune in existence, and the commune was destined 
to tnumph over the convention. 

The Commission of Twelve threw the members of the com- 
mune mto great alarm by its inquiries. It discovered a new 
conspiracy, which was to be put into execution on the 22nd of 
aS:.!"!"^''**' ^"""^ °^ *^ conspirators, and among others, 
Hubert, the deputy recorder, author of Pire Duchesne, who was 
token m the very bosom of the municipaUty. The commune, at 
tirst astounded, began to take measures of defence. From that 
moment, not conspiracy, but insurrection was the order of the 
day. The general council, encouraged by the Mountain, sur- 
rounded itself with the agitators of the capital; it circulated a 
report that the Twelve wished to purge the convention, and to 
substitute a counter-revolutionary tribunal for that which had 



184 



The French Revolution 






J 



I 



acquitted Marat. The Jacobins, the Cordeliers, the sections, 
sat permanently. On the 36th of Ma^, the agitation became 
perceptible; on the 37th, it was sufficiently decided to induce 
the commune to open die attack. It accordingly appeared 
before the convention and demanded the liberation of Hubert, 
and the suppression of the Twelve; it was accompanied by the 
deputies of the sections, who expressed the same desire, and the 
ball was surrounded by a large mob. The sectioi. of the City 
even presumed to require that the Twelve should be brought 
before the revolutionary tribunal. Isnard, president of the 
assembly, replied in a solemn tone : " Listen to what I am about 
to say. If ever by one of those insurrections, of such frequent 
recurrence since the loth of March, and of which the magistrates 
have never apprised the assembly, a hostile hand be raised 
against the national representatives, I declare to you in the name 
of all France, Paris will be destroyed. Yes, universal France 
would rise to avenge such a crime, and soon it would be matter 
of doubt on which side of the Seine Paris had stood." This 
reply became the signal for great tumult. " And I declare to 
you," exclaimed Danton, " that so much impudence begins to 
be intolerable; we will resist you." Then turning to the Right, 
he added: " No truce between the Mountain and the cowards 
who wished'to save the tyrant." 

The utmost confusion now reigned in the hall. The strangers' 
galleries vociferated denunciations of the Right; the Mountain 
broke forth into menaces; every moment deputations arrived 
without, and the convention was surrounded by an immense 
multitude. A few sectionaries of the Mail and of the Butte-des- 
Moulins, commanded by RaSet, drew up in the passages and 
avenues to defend it. The Girondists withstood, as long as they 
could, the deputations and the Mountain. Threatened within, 
besieged without, they would have availed themselves of this 
violence to arouse the indignation of the assembly. But the 
minister of the interior, Garat, deprived them of this resource. 
Called upon to give an account of the state of Paris, he declared 
that the convention had nothing to fear; and the opinion of 
Garat, who was considered impartial, and whose conciliatory 
turn of mind involved him in equivocal proceedings, emboldened 
the members of the Mountain. Isnard was obliged to resign the 
chair, which was taken by H6rault de Sfchelles, a sign of victory 
for the Mountain. The new president replied to the petitioners, 
whom Isnard had hitherto kept in the backgrotmd. " The power 
of reason and the power of the people are the same thing. You 



Suppression of the Twelve 1 85 

of the people wUl give you both." It was now very late- the 
Kight was discouraged, some of iu members had left The 
petitioners had moved from the bar to the seats of the'repre- 
sentatives and there, mixed up with the Mountain, with outcry 

TVelvri^?;h!'rU°r'^' "H' l"**"*"' '"' *« -^^^^ <" ^ 
^eWt, and the hberation of the prisoners. It was at half-nast 

!^ .1: ^i?«^^*>e applause of the galleries and the people out- 
side, that this decree was passed. 

.iJA"!?""' P*'"^!",' ^'" l^en wise on the part of the Girondists, 
smce they were really not the strongest party, to have made no 
recurrence to this matter. The moveme^rt of the preceding day 
wou d have had no other result than the suppression of the 
Iwelve If other causes had no prolonged it. But animosity 
^JT^'^ '"f " ^''^^'' '^"^ '' »»d become neces^^ t^ 
«^H^fJ T"^' '"u^" "f"'; """ *he two parties could not 
endure each other, the only alternative was for them to fiehf 
they must needs go on from victory to defeat, and from defeat 
to victory, growing more and more excited every day, until 
the stton^r finally triumphed over the weaker party. Next 

A^M.^A^'^} '«8»'')«djts position i" the convention, and 
declared the decree of the preceding day illegaUy passed in 
^Zu\"f "^H"' compulsi^on, and%he comSoSI^'r^ 
establBhed. You yesterday," said Danton, " did a great act 
tjT-'^i *'"* ^-^l^are to you, if the commission reSins t^e 
tyrannical power it has hitherto exercised; if the magistrates of 
the people are not restored to their functions; if g^ citizens 
are again exposed to arbitrary arrest; then, after hiving proved 

W.T11 ""' '"JP"^ °" '""'»'=' i" prudence, in w5sdom, 
we shall sur^s them m audacity and revolutionary vigour " 

S?l, M . ■" '°n>°"'!:« *e attack ; he dreaded the triumph 
of the Mountain as much as he did that of the Girondists- he 
accordmgly sought, by turns, to anticipate the 31st of May.and 
to moderate its results. But he was reduced to join hfa'own 
party during the conflict, and to remain silent after the victory 
lUe agitation, which had been a little allayed by the suppres- 
sion of the Twelve, became threatening at the news of their 
restoration. The benches of the sections and popular societies 
resounded with mvectives, with cries of danger, with calls to in- 
surrection. Hubert, hav-mg quitted his prison, reappeared at 
the commune A crown was placed on his brow, which he trans- 
ferred to the bust of Brutus, and then rushed to the Jacobins to 
demand vengeance on the Twelve. Robespierre, Marat, Danton 



i86 



The French Revolution 









Chaumette, and Pache then combined in organising a new move- 
ment. The insurrection was modelled on that of the loth of 
August. The 29th of May was occupied in preparing the public 
mind. On the 30th, members of the electoral college, commis- 
sioners of the clubs, and deputies of sections assemblied at the 
EvCchi, declared themselves in a state of insurrection, dissolved 
the general council of the commune, and immediately recon- 
stituted it, making it take a new oath; Henriot received the 
title of commandant-general of the armed force, and the sans- 
a'lottes were assigned forty sous a day while under arms. These 
preparations made, early on the morning of the 31st the tocsin 
rang, the drums beat to arms, the troops were assembled, and all 
mardied towards the convention, which for some time past had 
held its sittings at the Tuileries. 

The assembly had met at the sound of the tocsin. The 
minister of the interior, the administrators of the department, 
and the mayor of Paris had been sununoned, in succession, to 
the bar. Garat had given an account of the agitated state 
of Paris, but appeared to apprehend no dangerous result. 
Lhuillier, in the name of the department, declared it was only 
a tnoral insurrection. Pache, the mayor, appeared last, and 
informed them, with an hypocritical air, of the operations of the 
insurgenu; he pretended that he had employed every means to 
maintain order; assured them that the guard of the convention 
had been doubled, and that he had prohibited the firing of the 
alarm cannon; yet, at the same moment, the cannon was heard 
in the distance. The surprise and excitement of the assembly 
were extreme. Cambon exhorted the members to union, and 
called upon die people in the strangers' gallery to be silent. 
" Under these extraordinary circumstances," said he, " the 
only way of frustrating the designs of the malcontents is to make 
the national convention respected." " I demand," said Thuriot, 
" the immediate abolition of the Commission of Twelve." " And 
I," cried Tallien, " that the sword of the law may strike the con- 
spirators who profane the very bosom of the convention." The 
Girondists, on their part, required that the audacious Henriot 
should be called to the bar, for having fired the alarm cannon 
without the permission of the convention. " If a struggle take 
place," said Vergniaud, " be the success what it may, it will be 
the ruin of the republic. Let every member swear to die at his 
post." The entire assembly rose, applauding the proposition. 
Dtoton rushed to the tribune : " Break up the Commission of 
Twelve I you have heard the thunder of the cannon. If you are 



SupprcMion of the Twelve 1 87 

politic lecpiUton, far from blaming the outbreak o( Paris you 

erron, by dumMsing your commiuion.-I addmithoM "he 
continued, on hearing murmurs around him, " who possess 'some 
po^rt.cal talent, not dullards, who can only ^ ^^^Z 
obed ence to their passions.-Consider the gi,," ur of ySSw 

Mve them from their own bhnd fury. If a few men reallv 

tTCj "° ■"""" '" *^* P^y *«y Wong, shouS the3 
to prolong a movement, become useless, by your act of justice 
Par« Itself will hurl them back into their origiS^ S^i^C' 
1 calmly, simply, and deliberately demand die supp^?^ M 
the commusion on political grounds." The comEn wm 

nl^H^f ' committee of public safety, who were its creators 
proposed Its suppression, m order to restore peace, and to save 

^.^'°"?' ^'^- ^^« "•'* »° ** mercy rfthe muKe 
The moderate portion of the Mountain were about to adopt thb 

ZT^!^:^'V^' denuutions arrived. TTie memters of 
the department, those of the municipality, and the commissaries 
of sections, bemg admitted to the bar, demanded not merelvthe 
suppression of the Twelve, but also the punishmeM of\he 
'^^"^ members, and of aU the Girondist chiefa 

The Tuilenes was completely blockaded by the insursents- 

Sld^d^r "* ^^ <=o?«^ies in the^ conv^doT^m-' 

thiS^! ^""^T*^' "^^ ^« ^^°'^ of destroying 

the Gn-ondB.t party. Robespierre, their leader and orator, spij^ 

Citizens, let us not lose this day in vain clamours and unneces- 

rtf Z^t ""t '^''^^- ^l *' f"'^""' representatives^ 
the people combme to secure their happiness." He ureed the 
convention to foUow the course pointed out by the pet^fone^ 

H^ wn ^ f"' P'?PT^ ^^ ** committee of public Xty: 
He was thundering forth a lengthened declamation against h^ 
adveisarcs, when Vergniaud interfered: " anclude this I "- 
Jp^Tk ,'° cone ude, and against you ! Against you, who. 

after the revolution of the loth of August, sought to bring to the 
scaffold thoae who had effected it. A|ainit you, who iZ i^ler 
cewed m a course which involved the distraction of S 
Against you who desired to save the tyrant. Against you who 
conspired with Dumouriez. Against yc!u, who fie^pe^^iuted 
Ae same patriots whose heads Dumouriez demanded^ S^t 
you, whose cnmmal vengeance provoked those cries of ve^ance 



1 88 



The French Revolution 



i 



which you aeek to nuke a crime in your victiini. I conclude: 
my conclusion is— I propose a decree of accusation against all the 
accomplices of Oumounez, and against those who are indkated 
by the petitioners." Notwithstanding the violence of this out- 
break, Robespierre's party were not victorious. The insur- 
rection had only been directed against the Twelve, and the 
committee of public safety, who proposed their suppression, 
prevailed over the commune. The assembly adopted the decree 
of Barrire, which dissolved the Twelve, placed the public force 
in permanent requisition, and, to satisfy the petitioners, directed 
the committee of public safety *.o inquire into the conspiracies 
which they denounced. As soon as the multitude surrounding 
the assembly was informed of these measures, it received them 
with applause, and dispersed. 

But the conspirators were not disposed to rest content with 
this half triumph: they had gone further on the 30th of May 
than on the 29th ; and on *he and of June they went further 
than on the 31st of May. The insurrection, from being moral, 
as they termed it, became personal; that is to say, it was no 
longer directed agamst a power, but against the deputies; it 
passed from Danton and the Mountain, to Robespierre, Marat, 
and the commune. On the evening of the 31st, a Jacobin deputy 
said : "We have had but half the game yet ; we must r;omplete it, 
and not allow the people to cool." Henriot offered to place the 
armed force at the disposition of the club. Tlxe insurrectional 
committee openly took up its quarters near the convention. 
The whole of the ist of Jime was devoted to the preparation 
of a great movement. The commune wrote to the sections: 
" Citizens, remain under arms : the danger of the country renders 
this a supreme law." In the evening. Marat, who was the chief 
author of the snd of June, repaired to the H6tel de Ville, 
ascended the clock-tower himself, and rang the tocsin; he called 
upon the members of the council not to separate till they had 
obtained a decree of accusation agains*- the traitors and the 
" statesmen." A few deputies assembled at the convention, 
and the conspirators came to demand the decree against the 
proscribed parties; but they were not yet sufficiently strong to 
enforce it from the convention. 

The whole night was spent in making preparations ; the tocsin 
rang, drums beat to arms, the people gathered together. On 
Sunday morning, about eight o'clock, Henriot presented himself 
to the general council, and declared to his accomplices, in the 
name of the insurrectionary people, that they would not lay 



Sitting of the Assembly 1 89 

the .torm fw the lasTC^ "" '?'' H '^'"ne to brave 

crfcs of "Down I down! kt 'T""'^ f ''^ mterrupted by 
counter-revolu^ci,! Te calumniS^'; pl:%i "?' 'T'"" » 

Sriod'rdic^i'„^/j™^^frd.\'.^n^^^ 

for the most v olent tumult- «.v«^i u ? • ? "^^ ^''* *«"»' 
to the tribune to te« S <'«P"tie» rushed 

tort exclaimed, in accents^rtheS^^™oft™i^"^^^^^ 
the dissolution of all the revolutioni.t .i?!^ v^'- iP'^^nd 

demand his^aJ^^^^d t;;tVh;^ '^^T'^^nT^^ *H° 



190 



The French Revolution 



replied the Right, and even a portion of the Left. " We wiH all 
share their fate I " exclaimed La R£veillire-L6paux. The com- 
mittee of public safety, called upon to make a report, terrified at 
the magnitude of the danger, proposed, as on the 31st of May, a 
measure apparently conciliatory, to satisfy the insurgents, with- 
out entirely sacrificing the proscribed members. " The com- 
mittee," said BarrAre, " appeal to the generosity and patriotism 
of the accused members. It asks of them the suspension of their 
power, representing to them that this alone can put an end to 
the divisions which afflict the republic, can alone restore to it 
peace." A few among them adopted the proposition. Isnard 
at once gave in his resignation; Lanth^nas, Dussaulx, and 
Fauchet followed his example; Lanjuinais would not. He said: 
" I have hitherto, I believe, shown some courage; expect not 
from me either suspension or resignation. When the ancients," 
he continued, amidst violent interruption, " prepared a sacrifice, 
they crowned the victim with flowers and chaplets, as they con- 
ducted it to the altar; but they did not insult it." Barbaroux 
was as firm as Lanjuinais. " I have sworn," he said, " to die 
at my post; I will keep my oath." The conspirators of the 
Mountain themselves protested against the proposition of the 
committee. Marat urged that those who make sacrifices should 
be pure; and Billaud-Varennes demanded the trial of the 
Girondists, not their suspension. 

While this was going on, Lacroix, a deputy of the Mountain, 
rushed into the house, and to the tribune, and declared that he 
had been insulted at the door, that he had been refused egress, 
and that the convention was no longer free. Many of the 
Mountain expressed their indignation at Henriot and his troops. 
Danton said it was necessary vigorously to avenge this insult to 
the national majesty. BarrAre proposed to the convention to 
present themselves to the people. " Representatives," said he, 
" vindicate your liberty; suspend your sitting; cause th^ 
bayonets that surround you to be lowered." The whole con- 
vention arose, and set forth in procession, preceded by its 
sergeants, and headed by the president, who was covered, in 
toL-'-n of his affliction. On arriving at a door on the Place du 
Carrousel, they found there Henriot on horseback, sabre in hand. 
" What do the people require? " said the president, H^rault de 
S^elles ; "the convention is wholly engaged in promoting their 
happiness." " Hirault," replied Henriot, " the people have not 
risen to hear phrases; they require twenty-four traitors to be 
given up to them." " Give us all up! " cried those who sur- 



Fall of the Gironde Party iqi 

Tl^t^,^ f? 7'*"*- "*'^°* *•=" '"™«d t° his people, and 
exclauned: Cannoneers, to your guns." Two pfeces w7re 

directed upon the convention, who.retiVfagtothegLde^so^eht 
an outkt at various points, but found 111 the SS^"t;,ardld 
The soldiers were everywhere under arms. Marat ran through 

s*-dh^';„"nT'^« ""^ """"'^e *«■"• "No weakness!" 
sa^d he, do not quit your posts till they have given them up " 

The convention then returned within the house, overT^"elmed 
w^th a sense of then- powerlessness, convinced of Uie S y of 
memlt^ '^' ^^^^^^y ""bdued. TTie arrest of the prosS 
memben was no longer opposed. Marat, the true dictator of the 
assembly, unperiously decided the fate of its membere " Dm 

Snr''''''''^""°''^^'''"><^P-Weofl?adkgapS; 
Lath^nas IS a poor creature, unworthy rf a thought- Du^^s 

rml^ftt""^^"" ^''^ " ^'^ '''^"^d "«ions, ^d k nm a? ,^ 
aman to become a counter-revolutionary leader. I requL that 

2k 7 /f r , .V^ ."^'S ''ere accordmgly struck out and 

that of Valazi substituted, and the list thus altered wwaer^d 

to, sc^cely one half of the as^mbly taking pTkthl^Mr'' 

TTiese are the names of the illustrious mW^ proscribed the 

Ra^nH '^ ''' Barbaroux, CHiambon, Buzot, BiVotteau! Lidon 
Wet 'v^r/1;^"^"'"'?^' Grangeneuve, Lehardy,'!! a^; 

rm^ltS i^ '^'^^ P"u °"*f' ''^ ^* °"« withdrawn, and thf 
StbeT'^' '"' "^""^ *^' '»°'»^°' *« ^--tion' 

S. **'™'^ ^° great courage, a party which did honour to 
the young republic by its horror of bloodshed, its hatred of "ii^e 
and anarchy its love of order, justice, and lib^rtyf a p^v 
c^tt^a^H^h?'" ^^.•"jddkdass, whose revol^tio^ i?hl^ 
Q^Wn'^? • ^ multitude, whose government it rejected 

SSeatTvl '"'"^"'"' '' '^""''^ ""^y '•^"'^" illustrious K 
defeat, by a courageous struggle and a glorious death Ati^^ 
period. Its fate might readilfbe foresefn; it had teen driven 
from post to post; from the Jacobins by thetavSon TZ 



192 



The French Revolution 



Mountain; from the commune by the outbreak of Pition; from 
the ministry by the retirement of Roland and his colleagues; 
from the army by the defection of Dun>.ouriez. The convention 
alone remained to it, there it threw up its intrenchments, there 
it fought, and there it fell. Its enemies employed against it, in 
turn, insurrection and conspiracy. The conspiracies led to the 
creation of the Commission of Twelve, which seemed to give a 
momentary advantage to the Gironde, but which only excited 
its adversaries the more violently against it. These aroused the 
people, and took from the Girondists, first, their authority, by 
destroying Uie Twelve; then, their political existence, by 
proscribing their leaders. 

The consequences of this disastrous event did not answer the 
expectations of any one. The Dantonists thought that the dis- 
sensions of parties were at an end: civil war broke out. The 
moderate members of the committee of public safety thought 
that the convention would resume all its power: it was utterly 
subdued. The commune thought that the 31st of May would 
secure to it domination; domination fell to Robespierre, and to 
a few men devoted to his fortune, or to the principle of extreme 
democracy. Lastly, there was another party to be added to the 
parties defeated, and thenceforth hostile; and as after the 
loth of August the republic had been opposed to the constitu- 
tionalists, after the 31st of May the Reign of Terror was opposed 
to the moderate party of the republic. 



CHAPTER VIII 

FROM THE 3ND OF JUNE, 1793, TO APRIL, 1794 

tiLnpfc,^ presumed that the Girondists would not bow to 
their defeat, and Aat the 31st f May would be the signal for 

Z mZ?f'"°°f°P*'^' ^'^^^^^ -^inst the Mounff J>d 
the commu . • of Paris. This was the last trial left them to 
S^C*^ they attempted it. But, in this decisive meal^ 
there was seen the same want of union which had caused thS 
defeat m the assembly. It is doubtful whethe7S.r&rondisu 
would have triumphed, had they been united, and esSlv 
7t^tL *r *^r^ T'o-'W have saved the i^'voTutior C 
could they have done with ust laws what the Mountain effected 

Kr "?f ""? "°^ ""'"* 'hey have conque^d foreS 
foes without fanaticism, restrained parties without the aid rf 
terror, fed the multitude without a W««m, and supSied the 
armies without requisition. If the 31st of'May hSlad a 
different result, what happened at a much later pe^d ^uld 
probably have taken place immediately, namelfa V°uj 
o^thr^^"',^ revolutionary movement, increied ?tt^ 
on the part of Europe, a general resumption of hostilities bV^ 
parties, the daj^ of Prairial, without ^wer to drive KS 
multitude; the days of Vendteiiaire, without powerTo re^l the 
royalists; the invasion of the allies, and, ^cordtogT [he 
po icy of the tmies, the partition of F;ance.' nSbic ^ 

^rWe-|f-rror.is^^^^^^^ 

whl~Bu™tl'HP*'"'K •*«^^*"'^- ^ t^' department de ffi 
where Buzot had much mHuence, and thence to Caen, in CalvadS 

s^n iS^H "^^ ""^J^ !^''''' °f the insurrection Br^y 
r^W rt^ Z- I^ «««gents, under the name TZ 
'ssembly 0/ the departments assembled at Caen, formed an army 
193 G 



194 



The French Revolution 






appointed general Wimpfen commarHer, arrested Romme and 
Prieur de la Mame, who were members of the Mountain and com- 
missaries of the convention, and prepared tc march on Paris. 
From there, a young, beautiful, and courageous woman, 
Charlotte Corday, went to punish Marat, the principal author 
of the 31st of May, and the 2nd of June. She hoped to save the 
republic by sacrificing herself to its cause. But tyranny did not 
rest with one man; it belonged to a party, and to the violent 
situation of the republic. Charlotte Corday, after executing her 
generous but vain design, died with unchanging cahnness, modest 
courage, and the satisfaction of having done well.^ But Marat, 
after his assassination, became a greater object of enthusiasm 
with the people than he had been while living. He was invoked 
on all the public squares; his bust was placed in all the popular 
societies, and the convention was obliged to grant him the 
honours of the Panthton. 

At the same time Lyons arose, Marseilles and Bordeaux took 
arms, and more than sixty departments joined the insurrection. 
This attack soon led to a general rising among all parties, and 
the royalists for the most part took advantage of the movement 
which the Girondists had commenced. They sought, especially, 
to direct the insurrection of Lyons, in order to make it the centre 
of the movement in the south. This city was strongly attached 
to the ancient order of things. Its manufactures of silver and 
gold and silken embroidery, and its trade in articles of luxury, 
made it dependent on the upper classes. It therefore declared 
at an early period against a social change, which destroyed its 
former connexions, and ruined its manufactures, by destroying 
the nobility and clergy. Lyons, acci^rdingly , in 1 790, even under 
the constituent assembly, when the emigrant princes were m that 
neighbourhood, at the court of Turin, had made attempts at a 
rising. These attempts, directed by priests and nobles, had been 
repressed, but the spirit remained the same. There, as else- 
where, after the loth of August, men had wished to bring about 
the revolution of the multitude, and to establish its government. 

•The foUowini are a few of the repUcs of this heroic girl before the 
revolutionary tribunal:—" What were your inten.tions in killmg Marat? 
_•■ To out an end to the troubles of Franc. — " Is it long since you con- 
ceived this project? "—" Since the proscription if the deputies of the 
SopS on the 31st of May."-" You learned then by the papers that Mara 
was a friend of anarchy? "— " Yes, 1 knew he was perverting France. 1 
have killed " she added, raising her voice, " a man to save a thousand, a 
viUain to save the innocent; a wild beast, to give tranquillity to my 
country. I was a repubUcan before the revolution, and I have never been 
without energy." 



The Revolt of Lyons 



'95 

Chalier, the fanatical imitator of Marat, was at the head of the 
jacobms, the sans-culottes, and the municipality of Lyons His 
audacity mcreased after the massacres of September and the 
aist of January Yet nothing had as yet been decided between 
the lower republican class, and the middle royalist class, the one 
having Its seat of power in the municipality, and the other in 
the sections. But the disputes became greater towards the end 
of May; they fought, and the sections carried the day The 
municipahty was besieged, and taken by assault. Chaher, who 
had fled, was apprehended and executed. The sections, not L vet 
darmg to throw ofE the yoke of the convention, endeavoured 
to excuse themselves on the score of the necessity of arminjt 
themselves, because the Jacobins and the members of the cor- 
poration had forced them to do so. The convention, which could 
^^^if r V !" ^y?^^ "! daring, losing everything if it yielded, 
would hsten to nothmg. Meanwhile the insurrection of Calvados 
became known, and the people of Lyons, thus encouraged, no 
longer feared to raise the standard of revolt. They put their 
to*n m a state of defence; they raised fortifications, formed an 
army of twenty thousand men, received emigrants among them 
entrusted the command of their forces to the royalist Pricv and' 
W^gTs^tola^^'**"' ^^ ''°"'*'^d ^^^" operations with the 
The revolt of Lyons was so much the more to be feared bv the 
convention, as its central position gave it the support of the 
south, which was m arms, while there was also a rising in the 
west. At MarseiUes, the news of the 31st of May had aroused 
the partisans of the Girondists: Rebecqui repail-ed thither in 
haste. The sections were assembled; the members of the 
revolu..onaxy tribunal were outlawed; the two representatives 

tTrT /f^'^"^' """" ^^^^' "-="' *" """y °f ten thousand 
men raised o advance on ParLs These measures were the work 
of the royalists, who, there as elsewhere, only waiting for an 
opportunity to revive their party, had at first assumid a re- 
publican appearance, but now acted in their own name Thev 
^ffL^n""* ** '"fl"""^- ^'^ *« movement was no longer 
Sf "r^"'"" °* *' Gurondists, bu for the counter-revol^! 
twmsts. Once m a state of revolt, the party whose opinions 
are the most violent, and whose aim is the dearest, supplants ks 
Sew .?«'^,^'l."'. P«'"-«iiving this new turn of the ins\ETectio^ 
threw hmise f m despair into the port of MarseiUes. The in- 
fmE Tt '^ '^'^ '° Lyons; their example was rapidTy 
mutated at Toulon, N!mes, Montauban, and the principal tovras 



196 



The French Revolution 



in the south. In Calvados, the insurrection had had the same 
royalist character, since the marquis de Puisaye, at the head 
of some troops, had introduced himself into the raiiks of the 
Girondists. The towns of Bordeaux, Nantes, Brest, and 
L'Orient, were favourable to the persons prosCTi»^d on the 
and of June, and a few openly joined them; but they were of 
no great service, because they were restrained by the Jacobin 
party, or by the necessity of fighting the royalists of the west. 

TTie latter, during this ahnost general rising of the depart- 
ments, continued to extend their enterprises. After their first 
victories, the Vendians seized on Bressuire, Argenton, and 
Thouars. Entirely masters of their own country, they proposed 
getting possession of the frontiers, and opening a way into 
revolutionary France, as well as communications with England. 
On the 6th of June, the Vend&ui army, composed of forty 
thousand men, under Cathelineau, Lescure, Stofflet, and La 
Rochejaquelin, marched on Saumur, which it took by storm. 
It then prepared to attack and capture Nantes, to secure the 
possession of its own country, and become master of the course 
of the Loire. Cathelineau, at the head of the Vend&n troops, 
left a garrison in Saumur, took Angers, crossed the Loire, pre- 
tended to advance upon Tours and Le Mans, and then rapidly 
threw himself upon Nantes, which he attacked on the right bank, 
while Charette was to attack it on the left. 

Everything seemed combined for the overthrow of the con- 
vention. Its armies were beaten on the north and on the 
Pyrenees, while it was threatened by the people of Lyons in the 
centre, those of Marseilles in the south, the Girondists in one 
part of the west, the Vendtens in the other, and w'lile twenty 
thousand Piedmontese were invading France. The military 
reaction which, after the brilliant campaigns of Argonne and 
Belgium, had taken place, chiefly owing to the disagreement 
between Dumouriez and the Jacobins, between the army and 
the government, had manifested itself in a most disastrous 
manner since the defection of the commander-in-chief. There 
was no longer unity of operation, enthusiasm in the troops, or 
agreement between the convention, occupied with its quarrels, 
and the discouraged generals. The remains of Dumouriez's 
army had assembled at the camp at Famars, under the conunand 
of Dampierre ; but they had been obliged to retire, after a defeat, 
under the cannon of Bouchain. Dampierre was killed. The 
frontier from Dunkirk to Givet was threatened by supenor 
forces. Custine was promptly called from the Moselle to the 



New Constitution Adopted 



J x-<rcw ^-onsniuiion Adopted 197 

«iny of the north, but his presence did not restore a£Fairs 
^« Jftr'/i.*' ^"^ !f -^""f"' '^ ^""J Condi sha«5^e 
h^nH^icJ^ "^i ^"T" ^"^ P°''*'='^ to position, "tired 
beyond the Swrpe, before Arras, the last post betVeen thi Scarpe 
and Pans Mayence, on the other side, sorely pressed byX 

SS'^^S f ,"*• '"'^^'i^d to inaction; and despairing of being 
able to hold out long, capitulated. Lastly, the English Gover^ 
ment, seeing that Pans and the departments were distres^d ™v 
fajmne, after the 31st of May and ?he ,nd of June, prSnced 
shi^T ?• ^'""^ " " '*"« °f "ockade, and that all nS 
fcn "^J?-'"^ " *■""« " ""PP'y of provisions would be con- 
S^™h .^!f ™^""' ?*" to the annak of history, wd 
oS^d thf;"" ""r^^ P'OP'"^' '•^ "months aftem^ds 
rn!^hit M ""T °' ** maximum. The situation of the 
republic could not be worse. 

TTie convention was, as it were, taken by surprise It was 
disorganized, because emerging from a straggle, and licauseX 
conquerors had not had time to establish thrmselTes. X the 
t^ln! -^""".i ^'T *?* '^"'«^' -^"^^ so pressing bo^on the 
«?« r "^'^ '" the departments, the Mountain iSid sent com! 
Sfn t„ T " '''!^ '^•'"'*''?.' '^'' immediately tumed its atSS- 
tion to the constitution, which had so long lien expected juid 
from which ,t entertained great hopes. Ve GiXdste hSd 
wished to decree it before the „st of January! in o?der to sate 
sute of Thin^^ substituting legal ord'er for';he revoTu tiona^ 
,T^?„/ M^= ^^^I "*"™''' to the subject previous to the 
M™m?f in ''' !" °'^" '■° P''^^"t their own Inain. But the 
Mountam, on two occasions, had diverted the assembly from 
this discussion by two coups d'tot, the trial of S XvT 
and the elmimation of the Gironde. Masters of the field thev 
now endeavoured to secure the republicans by decS the 
constitution. H^rault de SicheUes was the iLslator^f the 
Mountain, as Condorcet had been of the Gironde "few dat 

sidered as aristocratical : the law it had established wL re^arlrf 

MdSs rateTanr^^r h'k 'T^'*''= '^"^"'^ it bad deputies 
ana magistrates appomted by electors, and these electors by the 



198 



The French Revolution 



general war The Mountain, instead of extreme democracy, 

-^Z^S'r\^Sn,?t%ttitution a«d its in. 
«.ntltion to die pn lary assemblies, the Mountain learned the 

»1^^11 Co^ toS were not alarmed at their position. The 
and aU Europe to repei,w« ^ municipalities came 

ansI^aasuspecUd persons, and a Uvy enm^se of^ pe^U 
"well" exclaimed Danton, " let us respond to the": wisnes 
ThTdeputtes of the primary assemblies have just taken^ the 

mmmm 

peopled exciting Ae ener^o^^.t.«m^^_^^^^^^ 
KfthSStoL'^fr NTwisthetimetotalcethe 
r^V^eat oath, that we will destroy tyramiy, or perish! This 



New Armies Raised 



199 



oath was immediately taken by all the deputies and citizens 
present. A few days after, Bairire, in the name of the com- 
mittee of public safety, which was composed of revolutionary 
members, and which became the centre of operations and the 
government of the assembly, proposed measures still more 
general: " Liberty," said he, " has become the creditor of every 
citizen; some owe her their industry; others their fortune; 
these their counsel; those their arms; all owe her their blood. 
Accordingly, all the French, of every age and of either sex, are 
summoned by their country to defend liberty; all faculties, 
physical or moral ; all means, political or commercial ; all metal, 
all the elements are her tributaries. Let each maintain his post 
in the national and military movement about to take place. 
The young men will fight; the married men will forge arms, 
transport the baggage and artillery, and prepare provisions ; the 
women will make tents and clothes for the soldiers, and exercise 
their hospitable care in the asylums of the wounded; children 
will make lint from old linen; and the aged, resuming the mission 
they discharged among the ancients, shall cause themselves to 
be carried to the public places, where they shall excite the 
courage of the young warriors, and propagate the doctrine of 
hatred to kings, and the unity of the republic. National build- 
ings shall be converted into barracks, public squares into work- 
shops ; the ground of the cellars will serve for the preparation of 
saltpetre; all saddle horses shall be placed in requisition for the 
cavalry; all draught horses for the artillery; fowling-pieces, 
pistols, swords and pikes, belonging to individuals, shall be 
employed in the service of the interior. The republic being but 
a large city, in a state of necessity, France must be converted 
into a vast camp." 

The measures proposed by Barr^re were at once decreed. All 
Frenchmen, from eighteen to five-and-twenty, took arms, the 
armies were recruitea by levies of men, and supported by levies 
of provisions. The republic had very soon fourteen armies, and 
twelve hundred thousand soldiers. France, while it became a 
camp and a workshop for the republicans, became at the same 
time a prison for those who did not accept the republic. While 
marching against avowed enemies, it was thought necessary to 
make sure of secret foes, and the famous law, des suspects, was 
passed. All foreigners were arrested, on the ground of their 
hostile machinations, and the partisans of constitutional mon- 
archy and a limited republic were imprisoned, to be kept close, 
until the peace was effected. At the time, this was so far only a 



200 The French Revolution 

reuonable measure of precaution. The bourgeouie, the merMB- 
tteSeople, and the mfadle cla«e., f umUhed pnsomer. after tta 
,Mt of May, at the nobility and clergy had done after the loth 
Kg.Bt.'^ A revolutionary army o?s« thousand «old.e« and 
a AoSand artillerymen was formed for tne mttno^. Every 
indiBent citizen was allowed forty sous a day, to enable hun to 
SfSntTtJ^ sectionary meetings. Certificate, of atuen- 
ship^^re delivered, in order to make sure of the 0P{n>°« ° »" 
who co-operated in the revolutionary movement. The function- 
iSes^Tplaced under the sv^veiliance of the dubs, a revolu- 
tionary coiimittee was formed in each section, «><» tiius they 
prepared to face the enemy on all sides, both abroad and at horn^ 
■fte insurgenu in Calvados were easUy »"PP«»f <> ^ " »^ 
very first skifmish at Vernon, the insurgent troops fled. Wimpfen 
Savoured to rally them in vain. The moderate class tho^e 
who had taken up the defence of the Girond.sU, d'splayed httie 
Mdour or activity. When tiie constitution was accepted by the 
Xr departments, it saw ti>e opportunity «" ad"»"u« t^' f 
Sdbeen. error, when it thought it wiis takmg «"« ««?^t 
TLre factious minority. This retraction was S?f ' " ^ 
which had been tiie headquarters of the revolt. The Mountam 
r^^isslone?^ did not sully d>is first victory with executions 
Sal Carteaux, on the oti«r hand, """^el at the head of 
some troops airainst the sectionary army of the south; he 
dXatedTfXVursued it to MarseiUes, entered the town 
afttrTand Proven^! would have been brought mto subjection 
fi^ CalvTdos, if the royalists, who had taken refuge at Toulon 
'^r to defeat, had not called in the English " ^eu: «d^d 
placed in their hands this key to France. Admiral Hood entered 
the town in tiie name of Louis XVII., whom he proclauned kmg, 
dlaiSS^he fleet, sent for eight thousand Spamards by sea, 
Sed the surrounding forts, and forced Carteaux, who was 
adv^cing against Toulon, to fall back on Marseilles. 

N^tLliding this check, ^^^o^-''''^°'^TJ^X 
in isolating the irSurrection, and this was a great point, "nie 
Mo^tata commissioners had made their entry into the rebel 
cST Robert Lindet into Caen; Tallien into Bordeaux; 
t^^d Fr^roA into Marseilles. Only two towns remained 
to be taken— Toulon and Lyons. 

A stemltaneou. atuck from the south, west, and centre was 
no longer apprehended, and in the interior the enemy was only 
Sn tS^ defeSive. Lyons was besieged by Kellermami, genera 
^Z^y of the Alps; three corps pressed the town on all 



The Convention Victorious 



201 



lida. The veteran loldien of the Alp*, the revolutionary bat- 
talions and the newly-levied troopi, reinforced the besiegen 
every day. The people of Lyons defended themselves with all 
the courage of despair. At first, they relied on the assistance of 
the insurgents of the south; but these having been repulsed by 
Carteaux, the Lyonnais placed their last hope in the army of 
Piedmont, which attempted a diversion in their favour, but was 
beaten by Kellermann. Pressed still more energetically, .'^ey 
saw their first positions carried. Famine began to be felt, and 
courage forsook them. The royalist leaders, convinced of the 
inutility of longer resistance^ left the town, and the republican 
army entered the walls, where they awaited the orders of the 
convention. A few months after, Toulon itself, defended by 
veteran troops and formidable fortifications, fell into the .power 
of the republicans. The battalions of the army of Italy, rein- 
forced by those which the taking of Lyons left disposable, pressed 
the place closely. After repeated attacks and prodigies of skill 
and valour, they made themselves masters of it, and the capture 
of Toulon finished what that of Lyons had begun. 

Everywhere the convention was victorious. The Vendians 
had failed in their attempt upon Nantes, after having lost many 
men, and their general-in-chief, Cathelineau. This attack put 
an end to the aggressive and previously promising movement 
of the Vend^an insurrection. The royalists repassed the Loire, 
abandoned Saumur, and resumed their former cantonments. 
They were, however, still formidable; and the republicans, who 
pursued them, were again beaten in La Vend^. General Biron, 
who had succeeded general Berruyer, unsuccessfully continued 
the war with small bodies of troops; his moderation and de- 
fective system of attack caused him to be replaced by Canclaux 
and Rossignol, who were not more fortunate than he. There 
were two leaders, two armies, and two centres of operation — the 
one at Nantes, and the other at Saumur, placed under contrary 
influences. General Canclaux could not agree with general 
Rossignol, nor the moderate Mountain commissioner Philip- 
peaux with Bourbotte, the commissioner of the committee of 
public safety; and this attempt at invasion failed like the pre- 
ceding attempts, for want of concert in plan and action. The 
committee of public safety soon remedied this, by appointing one 
sole general-in-chief, Lechelle, and by introducing war on a large 
scale into La Vendfr This new method, aided by the garrison 
of Mayence, consistmg of seventeen thousand veterans, who, 
relieved from operations against the allied nations after the 



2oa The French Revolution 

^.nituUtion were employed in the interior, entirely changed the 
2SoWr«Xry..i.ts underwent 'our cowecutive 
^ti, two at ChitUlon, two at Cholet. LjKure, Bonchamp., 
i^^ElMe were morUUy wounded, and the "»"««»»». f?^ 
Xtely beaten in Upper Vendie, and •"'"8 »»"' J^y »»1°^^ 
Exterminated if they took refuge in Lower Vend*e, determined 
tSethe^ country to the number of eighty thousand penoM. 
■^UemSion through Brittany which they hoped to «ouje 
to insurrfction, became fatal to them. »«?"'*'' be'oreGran- 
viurutterlv routed at Mans, they were destroyed at Savenay, 
^dC?a ew thousand men, the wreck of this vast emj«a- 
Son returned to Vendue. These dfaasters, irreparabk for the 
™J^ist^se the taking of the island of Noirmoutiers from 
S^ te^Sfdi^p^rslol. !i the troops of that leader the death 
ofL^RicheiaqueUn, rendered the republicans masters of the 
country T^ecommttee of public safety, thinking, not without 
rewoMhat Us enemies were Keaten but not '"b,"8»*«d^°P^ 
Tterrible system of extermination to prevent them from rismg 
LJJT General Thurreau surrounded Vend^ Z'^^^l^eZ 
tSiched camps; twelve moveable columns, caUed the t,rferi^ 
^hm^, ^vX; the country in every diction, ^ >«' ,^<i^* 
in ffi, scoured the woods, dispersed the assemblies, and 
diffused terror throughout this unhappy country. 

TTie foreign armies had also been driven back from the 
froirtfers the?l^invaded. After having taken Valencemies 
«d SXblXded Maubeuge and U Quesnoy the enemy 
Svanced on Cassel, Hondschoote, and Fumes, under the com- 
m3^ of the duke rf York. The cc . unittee of pubhc safety, 
rlled'^ittc^sKwhowasfurtherregardedv^^^ 
aT a Girondist, superseded him by general Houchard. The 
^my "to su^ssful, was defeated at Hondschoote and 
cSled to retreat. The military "a^t'O''.**^'^ *'* ^^* 
S measures of the committee of public safety Ho"d^d 
Sf was dismissed. Jourdan took the ^-^^^^^ of the army 
of*e north rained the unportant victory of Watignies over the 
win^ o7 ciC, raised the siege of Maubeuge, and resumed 
?he SerLive on^at frontier. Similar successes took jJa^ on 
ajT the others. The immortal campa^n °«. '793-1794 o^ned 

S w iSS.d a« .«!. Si A.ir... Tb. w«» d ».« 



Policy of the Committee of Safety aoj 

between the genenls and the leaden of the assembly wai re- 
moved; the revolutionary movement, which had slackened, 
increased; and victories recommenced. Armies have had their 
crises, as well as parties, and these crises have brought about 
successes or defeat, always by the same law. 

In 1793, at the beginning of the war, the generals were 
constitutionalists, and the ministers Girondists. Rochambeau, 
Lafayette, and Luclcner, did not at all agree with Dumourier, 
Servan, Claviire, and Roland. There was, besides, little enthu- 
siasm in the army; it was beaten. After the loth of August, 
the Girondist generals, Dumouriez, Custine, Kellermann, and 
Dillon, replaced the constitutionalist generals. There was unity 
of views, confidence, and co-operation, between the army and 
the government. The catastrophe of the loth of August aug- 
mented this energy, by increasing the necessity for victory; and 
the results were the plan of the campaign of Argonne, the 
victories of Vafany and Jemappes, and the invasion of Belgium. 
The struggle between the Mountain and the Gironde, between 
Dumouriez and the Jacobins, again created discord between the 
army and government, and destroyed the confidence of the 
troops, who experienced immediate and numerous reverses. 
There was defection on the part of Dumourier, as there had been 
withdrawal on the part of Lafayette. After 'he jist of May, 
which overthrew the Gironde party, after the committee of 
public safety had become established, and had replaced the 
Girondist generals, Dumouriez, Custine, Houchard, and Dillon, 
by the Mountain generals, Jourdan, Hoche, Fichegru, and 
Moreau; after it had restored the revolutionary movement by 
the daring measures we have described, the campaign of 
Argonne and of Belgium was renewed in that of 1794, and the 
genius of Carnot equalled that of Dumouriez, if it did not 
surpass it. 

During this war, the committee of public safety permitted a 
frightful number of executions. Armies confine themselves to 
slaughter in battle; it is not so with parties, who, under violent 
circumstances, fearing to see the combat renewed after the 
victory, secure themselves from new attacks by inexorable 
rigour. The usage of all governments being to make their own 
preservation a matter of right, they regard those who attack 
them as enemies so long as they fight, as conspirators when they 
are defeated; and thus destroy them alike by means of war 
and of law. 

All these views at once guided the policy of the committee of 



204 



The French Revolution 



public safety, a policy of vengeance, of terror, and of self- 
preservation. This was the maxim upon which it proceeded 
in reference to insurgent towns: " The name of Lyons," said 
Barrire, " must no longer exist. You will call it ViUe Affran- 
ehie, and upon the ruins of that famous city there shall be raised 
a monument to attest the crime and the punishment of the 
enemies of liberty. Its history shall be told in these words: 
' Lyons warred against liberty ; Lyons exists no more.' " To 
realise this terrible anathema, the committee sent to this 
unfortunate city Collot-d'Herbois, Fouchd, and Couthon, who 
slaughtered ti»e inhabitants with grape shot and demolished 
its buildings. The insurgents of Toulon underwent at the 
hands of the representatives, Barras and Fr6ron, a nearly 
similar fate. At Caen, Marseilles, and Bordeaux, the executions 
were less general and less violent, because they were proportioned 
to the gravity of the insurrection, which had not been imder- 
taken in concert with foreign foes. 

In the interior, the dictatorial government struck at all the 
parties with which it was at war, in the persons of their greatest 
members. The condemnation of queen Marie-Antoinette was 
directed against Europe; that of the twenty-two against the 
Girondists; of the wise Bailly against the old constitutionalists; 
lastly, that of the duke of Orleans against certain members of 
the Mountain who were supposed to have plotted his elevation. 
The unfortunate widow of Louis XVI. was first sentenced to 
death by this sanguinary revolutionary tribunal. The proscribed 
of the 3nd of June soon followed her. She perished on the i6th 
of October, and the Girondist deputies on the 31st. They were 
twenty-one in number: Brissot, Vergniaud, Gensonn^, Fonfride, 
Ducos, Valaz6, Lasource, Sill&y, Gardien, Carra, Duperret, 
Duprat, Fauchet, Beauvab, Duchatel, Mainvielle, Lacaze, 
Boileau, Lehardy, Antiboul, and Vigfe. Seventy-three of their 
colleagues, who had protested against their arrest, were also 
imprisoned, but the committee did not venture to inflict death 
upon them. 

During the debates, these illustrious prisoners displayed 
uniform and serene courage. Vergniaud raised his eloquent 
voice for a moment, but in vain. Valazi stabbed himself with 
a poignard on hearing the sentence, and Lasource t id to the 
judges: " I die at a time when the people have lost their senses; 
you will die when they recover them." They went to execution 
displaying all the stocism of the times, singing the Marseillaise, 
and applying it to their own case : 



Revolutionary Government Formed 205 

" Alloni, enfant! de la patrie, 
I^ )our de gloire est airiv^: 
Centre nous de la tyraunie 
Le eouteau sand- il ;jt lev*," etc. 

Nearly all the other lead rs of this pan y had a violent end. 
Salles, Guadet, and Barbai ux were dis overed in the grottos 
of Saint-Emilion, near Boxiei;' x, xnd died on the scaffold. 
Pition and Buzot, after wandering about some time, committed 
suicide; they were found dead in a field, half devoured by 
wolves. Rabaud-Saint-Etienne was betrayed by an old friend ; 
Madame Roland was also condemned to death, and displayed 
the courage of a Roman matron. Her husband, on hearing of 
her death, left his place of concealment, and killed himself on the 
high road. Condorcet, outlawed soon after the 2nd of June, 
was taken while endeavouring to escape, and saved himself 
from the executioner's knife only by poison. Louvet, Kerve- 
legan, Lanjuinais, Henri La Rivi4re, Lesage, La RdveillAre- 
Lipeaux, were the only leading Girondists who, in secure 
retreat, awaited the end of the furious storm. 

The revolutionary govenunent was formed ; it was proclaimed 
by the convention on the loth of October. Before the 31st of 
May, power had been nowhere, neither in the ministry, nor in the 
commune, nor in the convention. It was natural that power 
should become concentrated in this extreme situation of affairs, 
and at a moment when the need for unity and promptitude of 
action was deeply felt. The assembly being the most central 
and extensive power, the dictatorship would as naturally become 
placed in its bosom, be exercised there by the dominant faction, 
and in that faction by a few men. The committee of public 
safety of the convention created on the 6th of April, in order, as 
the name indicates, to provide for the defence of the revolution 
by extraordinary measures, was in itself a complete framework 
of government. Formed during the divisions of the Mountain 
and the Gironde, it was composed of neutral members of the 
convention till the 31st of May; and at its first renewal, of 
members of the extreme Mountain. Barrire remained in it ; but 
Robespierre acceded, and his party dominated in it by Saint- 
Just, Couthon, Collot-d'Herbois, and Billaud-Varennes. He 
set aside some Dantonists who still remained in it, such as 
Hirault de Sichelles and Robert Lindet, gained over Barrire, and 
usurped the lead by assuming the direction of the public mind 
and of police. His associates divided the various departments 
among themselves. Saint- Just undertook the surveillance and 



2o6 



The French Revolution 






denouncing of parties; Couthon, the violent propositions which 
required to be softened in form; Billaud-Varennes and CoUot- 
d'Herbois directed the missions into the departments; Camot 
took the war department; Cambon, the exchequer; Prieur 
de la Cdte-d'Or, Prieur de la Mame, and several others, the 
various branches of internal administration; and Barrire was 
the daily orator, the panegyrist ever prepared, of the dictatorial 
committee. Below these, assisting in the detail of the revolu- 
tionary administration, and of mmor measures, was placed the 
committee of general safety, composed in the same spirit as 
the great committee, having, like it, twelve members, who were 
re-eligible every three months, and always renewed in their 
office. 

The whole revolutionary power was lodged in the hands of 
these men. Saint- Just, in proposing the establishment of the 
decemviral power until the restoration of peace, did not conceal 
the motives nor the object of this dictatorship. " You must no 
longer show any lenity to the enemies of the new order of things," 
said he. " Liberty must triumph at any cost. In the present 
circumstances of the republic, the constitution cannot be 
established; it would guarantee impunity to attacks on our 
liberty, because it would be deficient in the violence necessary 
to restrain them. The present government is not sufficiently 
free to act. You are not near enough to strike in every direction 
at the authors of these attacks; the sword of the law must 
extend everywhere ; your arm must be felt everywhere. Thus 
was created that terrible power, which first destroyed the 
enemies of the Mountain, then the Mountain and the Commune, 
and, lastly, itself. The committee did everything in the name 
of the convention, which it used as an instrument. It nominated 
and dismissed generals, ministers, representatives, conrniis- 
sioners, judges, and juries. It assailed factions; it took the 
initiative in all measures. Through its commissioners, armies 
and generals were dependent upon it, and it ruled the depart- 
ments with sovereign sway. By means of the law touching 
suspected persons, it disposed of men's liberties; by the revolu- 
tionary tribunal, of men's Uves; by levies and the maximum, 
of property; by decrees of accusation in the terrified convention, 
of its own members. Lastly, its dictatorship was supported 
by the multitude, who debated in the clubs, ruled in the revolu- 
tionary committees: whose services it paid by a daily stipend, 
and whom it fed with the maximum. The multitude adhered 
to a system which inflamed its passions, exaggerated its im- 



The Republican Calendar 207 

portance, assigned it the first place, and appeared to do every- 
thing for it. 

The innovators, separated by war and by their laws from all 
states and from all forms of government, determined to widen the 
separation. By an unprecedented revolution they established 
an entirely new era; they changed the divisions of the year, the 
names of the months and days ; they substituted a republican for 
the Christian calendar, the decade for the week, and fixed the day 
of rest not on the sabbath, but on the tenth day. The new era 
dated from the sjnd of September, 1792, the epoch of the 
foimdation of the republic. There were twelve equal months 
of thirty days, which began on the 22nd of Septc:,-vber, in the 
following order: — Vendemiaire, Brumaire, Frimaire, for the 
autumn; Nivose, Plumose, Ventose, for the winter; Germinal, 
F/or«ai,Pra«ri<ri, for the spring; Messidor, Thermidor, Fructidor, 
for the summer. Each month had three decades, each decade 
ten days, and each day was named from its order in the decade : — 
Primidi, Duodi, Tridi, Quartidi, Quintidi, Sextidi, Septidi, Octidi. 
Nonidi, Decadi. The surplus five days were placed at thj end of 
the year; they received the name of Sans-culottides, and were 
consecrated, the first, to the festival of genius ; the second, to 
that of labour; the third, to that of actions; the fourth, to that 
of rewards; the fifth, to that of opinion. The constitution of 
1793 led to the establishment of the republican calendar, and 
the republican calendar to the abolition of Christian worship. 
We shall soon see the commune and the committee of public 
safety each proposing a religion of its own; the commune, the 
worship of reason; the committee of public safety, the worship 
of the Supreme Being. But we must first mention a new struggle 
between the authors of the catastrophe of the 31st of May 
themselves. 

The Commune and the Mountain had effected this revolution 
against the Gironde, and the committee alone had benefited by 
it. During the five months from June to November, the com- 
mittee, having taken all the measures of defence, had naturally 
become the first power in the republic. The actual struggle being, 
as it were, over, the commune sought to sway the committee, and 
the Mountain to throw off its yoke. The most intense manifes- 
tation of the revolution was found in the municipal faction. 
With an aim opposed to that of the committee of public safety, 
it desired instead of the conventional dictatorship, the most 
extreme local democracy; and instead of religion, the consecra- 
tion of materialism. Political anarchy and religious atheism 



2o8 



The French Revolution 



% 

li 



were the symbols of this party, and the means by which it 
aimed at establishing its own rule. A revolution is the effect 
of the different systems which have agitated the age which 
has originated it. Thus, during the continuance of the crisis 
in France, ultra-montane Catholicism was represented by the 
nonjuring clergy; Jansenism by the constitutionist clergy; 
philosophical deism by the worship of the Supreme Being, 
instituted by the committee of public safety; and the material- 
ism of Holbach's school by the worship of Reason and of Nature, 
decreed by the commune. It was the same with political 
opinions, from the royalty of the Anden Regime to the unlimited 
democracy of the municipal faction. The latter had lost, in 
Marat, its principal support, its true leader, while the committee 
of public safety still retained Robespierre. It had at its head 
men who enjoyed great popularity with the lower classes; 
Chaumette, and his substitute Htbert, were its political leaders; 
Ronsin, commandant of the revolutionary army, its general; 
the atheist, Anacharsis Clootz, its apostle. In the sections it 
relied on the revolutionary committees, in which there were 
many obscure foreigners, supposed, and not without probability, 
to be agents of England, sent to destroy the republic by driving 
it into anarchy and excess. The club of the Cordeliers was 
composed entirely of ite partisans. The Viettx Cordeliers of 
Danton, who had contributed so powerfully to the loth of 
August, and who constituted the commune of that period, had 
entered the government and the convention, and had been 
replaced in the club by members whom they contemptuously 
designated the fatriotes de la troisiime requisition. 

Hubert's faction, which, in a work entitled Pire Ducheitie, 
popularised obscene language and low and cruel sentiments, 
and which added derision of the ''ictims to the executions of 
party, in a short time made terribie progress. It compelled 
the bishop of Paris and his vicars to abjure Christianity at the 
bar of the convention, and forced the convention to decree, 
that /A« worship of Reason should be substituted for the catholic 
religion. The churches were shut up or converted into temples 
of reason, and fetes were established in every town, which 
became scandalous scenes of atheism. ITie committee of public 
safety grew alarmed at the power of this ultra-revolutionary 
faction, and hastened to stop and to destroy it. Robespierre 
soon attacked it in the assembly, (15th Frimaire, year 11., 5th 
I^-i 1793)- "Citizens, representatives of the people," said 
he, " the kings in alliance against the republic are making war 



The Party of Conciliation 209 

against us with annies and intrigues; we will oppose their 
armies by braver ones; their intrigues, by vigilance and the 
terror of national justice. Ever intent on renewing their secret 
plots, m proportion as they are destroyed by the hand of patriot- 
ism, ever skilful in directing the arms of liberty against liberty 
Itself, the emissaries of the enemies of France are now labouring 
to overthrow the republic by republicanism, and to rekindle 
cml war by philosophy." He classed the ultra-revolutionists 
of the commune with the external enemies of the republic. " It 
is your part," said he to the convention, " to prevent the 
fol' -s and extravagancies which coincide with the projects 
of foreign conspiracy. I require you to prohibit particular 
authorities (the commune) from serving our enemies by rash 
measures, and that no armed force be allowed to interfere in 
questions of religious opinions." And the convention, which 
had applauded the abjurations at the demand of the commune, 
decreed, on Robespierre's motion, that att violence and aU 
measures opposed to the liberty of religion are prohibiud. 

The committee of public safety was too strong not to triumph 
over the commune; but, at the same time, it had to resist the 
moderate party of the Mountain, which demanded the cessation 
of the revolutionary government and the dictatorship of the 
committees. The revolutionary government had only been 
created to restrain, the dictatorship to conquer; and as Danton 
and his party no longer considered restraint and victory essential 
they sought to establish legal order, and the independence of the 
convention; they wished to throw down the faction of the 
commune, to stop the operation of the revolutionary tribunal 
to empty the prisons now filled with suspected persons, to 
reduce or destroy the powers of the committees. This project 
m favour of clemency, humanity, and legal government, was 
conceived by Danton, Philippeaux, CamiUe Desmoulins, Fabre- 
d Eglantine, Lacroix, genera! Westermann, and all the friends of 
Danton Before all things they wanted that the republic should 
secure the fieU of battle; but after conquest, they wished to 
conciliate. -i j j 

TOs party, become moderate, had renounced power; it had 
withdrawn from the government, or suffered itself to be ex- 
cluded by Robespierre's party. Moreover, since the 31st of May 
aalous patriots had considered D^ton's conduc equivocal' 
He had acted mildly on that day, and had subsequently dis- 
approved the condemnation of the twenty-two. They began 
to reproach him with his disorderly life, his venal passions, his 



2IO 



The French Revolution 



!• 



change of party, and untimely moderation. To avoid the 
storm, he had retired to his native place, Arcis-sur-Aube, and 
there he seemed to have forgotten all in retirement. During 
his absence, the Hubert faction made immense progress; and 
the friends of Danton hastily summoned him to their aid. He 
returned at the beginning of Frimaire (December). Philip- 
peaux immediately denounced the manner in which the Vend&in 
war had been carried on ; general Westermann, who had greatly 
distinguised himself in that war, and who had just been dis- 
missed by the committee of public safety, supported Fhilip- 
peaux, and Gunille Desmoulins published the first numbers of 
his Vieux Cordelier. This brilliant and fiery young man had 
followed all the movements of the revolution, from the 14th 
of July to the 31st of May, approving all its exaggerations and 
all its measures. His heart, however, was gentle and tender, 
though his opinions were violent, and his humour often bitter. 
He had praised the revolutionary regime because he believed 
it indispensable for the establishment of the republic; he had 
co-operated in the ruin of the Gironde, because he reared the 
dissensions of the republic. For the republic he had sacrificed 
even his scruples and the desires of his heart, even justice and 
humanity; he had given all to his party, thiiUcing that he gave 
it to the republic; but now he was able neither to praise nor to 
keep silent; his energetic activity, which he had employed for 
the republic, he now directed against those who were ruining 
it by bloodshed. In his Vieux Cordelier he spoke of liberty 
with the depth of Machiavelli, and of men with the wit of 
Voltaire. But he soon rabed the fanatics and dictators against 
him, by calling the government to sentiments of moderation, 
compassion, and justice. 

He drew a striking picture of present tyranny, under the 
name of a past tyranny. He selected his examples from Tacitus. 
" At this period," said he, " words became state crimes: there 
wanted but one step more to render mere glances, sadness, pity, 
sighs — even silence itself criminal. It soon became high-treason, 
or an anti-revolutionary crime, for Cremutius Cordus to call 
Brutus and Cassius the last of the Romans; a counter-revolu- 
tionary crime in a descendant of Cassius to possess a portrait 
of his ancestor; a counter-revolutionary crime in Mamercus 
Scaurus to write a tragedy in which there were lines capable of 
a double meaning; a counter-revolutionary crime in Torquatus 
Silanus to be extravagant; a counter-revolutionary crime in 
Pomponius, because a friend of Sejanus had sought an asylum 



Dcsmoulins* " Vieux Cordelier " 211 

in one of his country houses; a counter-revolutionary crime 
to bewail the misfortunes of the time, for this was accusing the 
government; a counter-revolutionary crime for the consul 
Fusius Geminus to bewail the sad death of his son. 

" If a man would eijape death himself, it became necessary 
to rejoice at the death of his friend or relative. Under Nero 
many went to return thanks to the gods for their relatives' 
whom he had put to death. At least, an assumed air of content- 
ment was necessary; for even fear was sufficient to render one 
guilty. Everything gave the tyrant umbrage. If a citizen 
was popular, he was considered a rival to the prince, and capable 
of excitmg a civil war, and he was suspected. Did he on the 
contrary, shun popularity, and keep by his fireside; his retired 
mode of life drew attention, and he was suspected. Was a 
man nch; it was feared the people might be corrupted by his 
bounty, and he was suspected. Was he poor; it became 
necessary to watch him closely, as none are so enterprising as 
those who have nothing, and he was suspected. If his dis- 
position chanced to be sombre and melancholy, and his dress 
neglected, his distress was supposed to be occasioned by the 
state of public affairs, and he was suspected. If a citizen 
mdulged m good Uving to the injury of his digestion, he was 
said to do so because the prince lived ill, and he was suspected 
If virtuous and austere in his manners, he was thought to 
censure the court, and he was suspected. Was he philosopher, 
orator, or poet; it was unbecoming to have more celebrity than 
the government, and he was suspected. Lastlv, if any one had 
obtained a reputation in war, his talent only served to make 
hun dangerous; it became necessary to get rid of the general 
°'',?^*""'^* """ speedUy from the army; he was suspected 

The natural death of a celebrated man, or of even a 
public official, was so rare, that historians handed it down to 
pMtenty as an event worthy to be remembered in remote ages 
Ihe death of so many innocent and worthy citizens seemed 
less a calamity than the insolence and disgraceful opulence of 
their murderers and denouncers. Every day the sacred and 
wviolable informer made his triumphant entry into the palace 
ot the dead, and received some rich heritage. All these de- 
nouncere assumed illustrious names, and caUed themselves 
Cotta Scipio, Regulus, Ssevius, Severus. To distinguish him- 
self by a brilliant dibut, the marquis Serenus brought an 
Mcusation of anti-revolutionajy practices against his aged 
tatJjer, already m exile, after which he proudly called hiimelf 



212 



The French Revolution 



Brutus. Such were the accusers, such the judges; the tribunals, 
the protectors of life and property, became slaughter-houses, 
in which theft and murder bore the names of punishment and 
confiscation." 

Camille Desmoulins did not confine himself to attacking the 
revolutionary and dictatorial regime ; he required its abobtion. 
He demanded the establishment of a committee of mercy, as 
the only way of terminating the revolution and pacifying 
parties. His journal produced a great effect upon public 
opinion; it inspired some hope and courage: Have you read 
the Vieux Cordelier? was asked on all sides. At the same 
time Fabre-d'Eglantine, Lacroix, and Bourdon de I'Oise, ex- 
cited the convention to throw off the yoke of the committee; 
they sought to unite the Mountain and the Right, in order to 
restore the freedom and power of the assembly. As the com- 
mittees were all powerful, they tried to ruin them by degrees, 
the best course to follow. It was important to change public 
opinion, and to encourage the assembly, in order to support 
themselves by a moral force against revolutionary force, by 
the power of the convention against the power of the committees. 
The Dantonist in the Mountain endeavoured to detach Robes- 
pierre from the other Decemvirs; Billaud-Varennes, Collot- 
d'Herbois and Saint- Just, alone appeared to them invincibly 
attached to the Reign of Terror. Barrire adhered to it through 
weakness — Couthon from his devotion to Robespierre. They 
hoped to gain over the latter to the cause of moderation, through 
his friendship for Danton, his ideas of order, his austere habits, 
his profession of public virtue, and his pride. He had defended 
seventy-three imprisoned Girondist deputies against the com- 
mittees and the Jacobins; he had dared to attack Clootz and 
Hubert as ultra-revolutionists; and he had induced the con- 
vention to decree the existence of the Supreme Being. Robes- 
pierre was the most popularly renowned man of that time; 
he was, in a measure, the moderator of the republic and the 
dictator of opinion: by gaining him, they hoped to overcome 
both the committees and the commune, without compromising 
the cause of the revolution. 

Danton saw him on his return from Arcis-sur-Aube, and they 
seemed to understand one another; attacked at the Jacobins, 
he was defended by him. Robespierre himself read and cor- 
rected the Vieux Cordelier, and approved of it. At the same 
time he professed some principles of moderation; but then all 
those who exercised the revolutionary government, or who 



Combinations of Party 2 1 3 

thought it indispensable, became aroused. Billaud-Varennes 
and Saint- Just openly maintained the policy of the committees. 
Desmoulins had said of the I'-'.ter: " He so esteems himself, 
that he carries his head on his shoulders with as much respect 
as if it were the holy sacri«nent." " And I," replied Saint- 
Just, "will make him carry his like another Saint Denis." 
Collot-d'Kcrbois, who was on a mission, arrived while matters 
were in this state. He protected the faction of the anarchists, 
who had been intimidated for a moment, and who derived 
fresh audacity from his presence. The Jacobins expelled 
Camille Desmoulins from their society, and Barrire attacked 
him at tiie convention in the name of the government. Robes- 
pierre himself was not spared; he was accused of moderalism, 
and murmurs began to circulate against him. 

However, his credit being immense, as they could not attack 
or conquer without him, he was sought on both sides. Taking 
advantage of this superior position, he adopted neither party, 
and sought to put down the leaders of each, one after the other. 

Under these circumstances, he wished to sacrifice the commune 
and the anarchists; the committees wished to sacrifice the 
Mountain and the Moderates. They came to an understanding: 
Robespierre gave up Danton, Desmoulins, and their friends to 
the members of the committee ; and the members of the com- 
mittee s^ve up Hubert, Clootz, Chaumette, Ronsin, and their 
accomphces. By favouring ihe Moderates at first, he prepared 
the ruin of the anarchists, and he attained two objects favourable 
to Ws domination or to his pride — he overturned a formidable 
faction, and he got rid of a revolutionary reputation, the rival of 
his own. 

Motives of public safety, it must be admitted, mingled with 
these combinations of party. At this period of general fury 
against the republic, and of victories not yet definitive' on its 
part, the committees did not think the moment for peace with 
Europe and the internal dissentients had arrived; and they 
considered it impossible to carry on the war without a dictator- 
ship. They, moreover, regarded the Hibertists as an obscene 
faction, which corrupted the people, and served the foreign foe by 
anarchy; and the Dantonists as a party whose political modera- 
tion and private immorality compromised and dishonoured 
the republic. The government accordingly proposed to the 
assembly, through the medium of Barrire, the continuation of 
the war, with additional activity in its pursuit; while Robes- 
pierre, a few days afterwards, demanded the continuance of 'he 



314 



The French Revolution 



revolutionary government. In the Jacobins he had alraady 
expressed himself opposed to the Vieux Cordelier, which he 
had hitherto supported. He rejected kgal government in the 
following terms: — 

" Without," said he, " all the tyrants surround us; within, 
all the friends of tjfranny conspire against us ; they will continue 
to conspire tiU crime is left without hope. We must destroy 
the infernal and external enemies of the republic or perish with 
it. Now, in such a situation, the first maxim of your policy 
should be, to lead .he people by reason, and the enemies of the 
people by terror. If, during peace, virtue be the mainspring 
of a popular government, its mainspring in the times of revolu- 
tion IS both virtue and terror; virtue, without which terror be- 
comes fatal, terror, without which virtue is powerless. Subdue, 
then, the enemies of liberty by terror; and, as the founders of 
the republic, you will act rightly. The government of the 
revolution is the despotism of liberty against tyranny." 

In this speech he denounced the moderates and the ullra- 
revolutionists, as bot'i of them desiring the downfall of the 
., republic. " They advance," said he, " under different banners 

';i and by different roads, but they advance towards the same 

goal ; that goal is the disorganization of the popular government, 
{ the ruin of the convention, and the triumph of tyranny. One 

of these two factions reduces us to weakness, the other drives 
us to excesses." He prepared the public mind for their proscrip- 
tion ; and his speech, adopted without discussion, was sent to all 
the popular societies, to all the authorities, and to all the armies. 
Aitei this beginning of hostilities, Danton, who had not given 
up his connexion with Robespierre, asked for an interview 
with him. It took place at the residence of Robespierre himself. 
They were cold and bitter; Danton "omplained violently, and 
Robespierre was reserved. " I know," said Danton, " all the 
hatred the committee bear me; but I do not fear it." " You 
are wrong," replied Robespierre; " it entertains no ill designs 
against you ; but you would do well to have an explanation." 
"An explanation?" rejoined Danton, "an explanation? That 
requires good faith!" Seeing that Robespierre looked grave 
at these words, he added: " No doubt it is necessary to put 
down the royalists, but we ought only to strike blows which will 
benefit the republic; we must not confound the innocent with 
the guilty." " And who says," exclaimed Robespierre, sharply, 
" that an innocent person has been put to death? " Danton 
turned to one of his friends who had accompanied him, and 



Saint-Just on the Republic 2 1 5 

laid, with a bitter smile: " What do you say to this? Not one 
innocent person has perished I " They then separated, and all 
friendship ceased between them. 

A few days afterwards, Saint-Just ascended the tribune, and 
threatened more openly than had yet been done all dissentients, 
moderates, or anarchists. " Citizens," said he, " you wished 
for a republic; if you do not at the same time desire all that 
constitutes it, you will overwhelm the people in its ruins. What 
constitutes a republic is the destruction of all that is opposed 
to it. We are guilty towards the republic because we pity 
the prisoners; we are guilty towards the republic because we 
do not desirevirtue; we are guilty to the republic because we do 
not desire terror. What is it you want, those of you who do 
not wish for virtue, that you may be happy? (The Anarchists.) 
What is it you want, those of you who do not wish to employ 
terror against the wicked? (TTie Moderates.) What is it you 
want, those of you who haunt public places to be seen, and to 
have it said of you: ' Do you see such a one pass? ' (Danton.) 
You will perish, those of you who seek fortune, who assume 
haggard looks, and afiect the patriot that the foreigner may 
buy you up, or the government give you a place; you of the 
indulgent faction, who seek to save the guilty; you of the 
foreign faction, who direct severity against the defenders of 
the people. Measures are already taken to secure the guilty; 
they are hemmed in on all sides. Let us return thanks to the 
genius of the French people, that liberty has triumphed over one 
of the most dangerous attacks ever meditated against it. The 
development of this vast plot, the panic it will create, and the 
measures about to be proposed to you, will free the republic 
and the world of all the conspirators." 

Saint- Just caused the government to be invested with the 
most extensive powers against the conspirators of the commune. 
He had it decreed that justice and probity were the order of the 
day. The anarchists were unable to adopt any measure of 
defence ; they veiled for a moment the Rights of Man at the club 
of the Cordeliers, and they made an attempt at insurrection, but 
without vigour or union. The people did not stir, and the 
committee caused its commandant, Henriot, to seize the sub- 
stitute Hubert, Ronsin, the revolutionary general, Anacharsis 
Qootz, Monmoro the orator of the human race, Vincent, etc. 
They were brought before the revolutionary tribunal, as the 
agents of foreign powers, and as having conspired to place a tyrant 
over the state. That tyrant was to have been Pache, under the 



2l6 



The French Revolution 



title ol Grand Jug*. The uarchitt leaden loet their Midacity 
•I »oon M they w«re arretted; they defended themielvet, and, 
for the most part, died, without any display of courage. The 
committee of public safety disbanded the revolutionary army 
diminished the power of the lectionary committees, and obliged 
the commune to appear at the bar of the convention, and mve 
thanks for the arrest and punishment of the conspirators its 
accomplices. 

It was now time for Danton to defend himself; the proscrip- 
tion, after striking the commune, threatened him. He wu 
advised to be on his guard, and to take immediate steps; but 
not havmg been able to overturn the dictatorial power, by 
arousmg public opinion and the assembly by the means of the 
public journals, and his friends of the Mountain, on what could 
he depend for support? The convention, indeed, was inclined 
to favour hun and his cause; but it was wholly subject to the 
revolutionary power of the committee. Danton having to 
support him, neither the government, nor the assembly, nor the 
commune, nor the clubs, awaited proscription, without makine 
any effort to avoid it. ° 

His friends implored him to defend himself. "I would 
rather," said he, " be guillotined, than be a guUlotiner; besides, 
my life is not worth the trouble; and I am sick of the world." 
The members of the committee seek thy death " " Well " 
he exclaimed, impatiently, " should Billaud, should' Robespierre 
kiU me, they will be execrated as tyrants; Robespierre's house 
will be razed to the ground; salt will be strewn upon it; a 
gaUows will be erected on it, devoted to the vengeance of crime ! 
But my friends will say of me, that I was a good father, a good 
fnend, a good citizen; they will not forget me." " Thou 
mayst avert . ." " I would rather be guillotined than be a 
guiUotmer." Well, then, thou shouldst depart." " Depart I " 
he repeated, curling his lip disdainfully, " depart ! Can we carry 
our country away on the sole of our shoe ? " 

Danton's only resource now was to make trial of his so weU 
known and potent eloquence, to denounce Robespierre and the 
committee, and to arouse the convention against their tyranny 
He was earnestly entreated to do this; but he knew too weli 
how difficult a thing it is to overthrow an established domination 
he knew too well the complete subjection and terror of the' 
assembly, to rely on the efficacy of such means. He accordingly 
waited, thraking, he who had dared so much, that his enenucs 
would shrink from proscribing him. 



Danton's Arrest and Imprisonment 217 

On the loth of Germinal, he wai informed that his arrest was 
being discttssed in the committee of public safety, and he was 
•gain entreated to save himself by flight. After a moment's 
reflection, he exclaimed, " They riiue not." During the night 
his house was surrounded, and he was taken to the Luxembourg 
with Camille Desmoulins, Fhilippeaux,Lacroix,and Westermann. 
On his arrival, he accosted with cordiality the prisoners who 
crowded round him. " Gentlemen," said he, " I had hoped in 
a short time to liberate you, but here I am come to join you, and 
I know not how the matter may end." In about an hour he 
was placed in solitary confinement in the cell in which Hubert 
had been imprisoned, and which Robespierre was so soon to 
occupy. There, giving way to reflection and regret, he ex- 
claimed: " It was r.t this time I instituted the revolutionary 
tribunal. I implore forgiveness from God and man for having 
done so; but I designed it not for the scourge of humanity." 

His arrest gave rise to general excitement, to a sombre 
anxiety. The following day, at the opening of the sittings 
in the assembly, men spoke in whispers; they inquired with 
alarm, what was the pretext for this new proceeding against the 
representatives of the people. " Citizens," at length exclaimed 
Legendre, " four members of this assembly have been arrested 
during the night. Danton is one, I know not the others. 
Citizens, I declare that I believe Danton to be as pure as myself, 
yet he is in a dungeon. They feared, no doubt, that his replies 
would overturn the accusations brought against him: I move, 
therefore, that before you listen to any report, you send for the 
prisoners, and hear them." This motion was favourably re- 
ceived, and inspired the assembly with momentary courage: 
a few members desired it might be put to the vote, but this 
state of things did not last long. Robespierre ascended the 
tribune. " By the excitement, such as for a long time has been 
unknown in this the assembly," said he, " by the sensation the 
words of the speaker you have just heard have produced, it is 
easy to see that a question of great interest is before us; a 
question whether two or three individuals shall be preferred to 
the country. We shall see to-day whether the convention can 
crush to atoms a mock idol, long since decayed, or whether 
its fall shall overwhelm both the convention and the French 
people." And a few words from him si'fficed lo restore silence 
and subordination to the assembly, to restrain the friends of 
Danton, and to make Legendre himself retract. Soon after. 



2l8 



The French Revolution 



Saint- Just entered the house, foUowed by other members of the 
committees. He read a long report against the members under 
arrest, m which he impugned their opinions, their political 
conduct, their private life, their projects; making them appear, 
by improbable and subtle combinations, accomplices in every 
conspiracy, and the servants ol every party. The assembly, 
after listenmg without a murmur, with a bewildered sanction 
unajiimously decreed, and with applause even, the impeachment 
of Danton and his friends. Every one sought to gain time with 
tyranny, and gave up others' heads to save his own. 

The accused were brought before the revolutionary tribunal- 
their attitude was haughty, and full of courage. They displayed 
an audacity of speech, and a contempt of their judges, wholly 
unusual: Danton replied to the president Dumas, who asked 
himthecustomaryquestions as to his name, his age, his residence : 
I am Danton, tolerably well known in the revolution; I am 
thirty-five years old. My residence will soon be nothing My 
nMne will live in the Panthfen of history." His disdainful or 
mdignant replies, the cold and measured answers of Lacroix 
the austere dignity of Philippeaux, the vigour of Desmoulins' 
were Ixjginnmg to move the people. But the accused were 
silenced, under the pretext that they were wanting in respect 
to justice, and were immediately condemned without a hearing 
■' We are immolated," cried Danton, " to the ambition of a 
few miserable brigands, but they will not long enjoy the fruit 
of then- cruninal victory. I draw Robespierre after me— 
Robespierre will foUow me." They were taken to the Concier- 
gerie, and thence to the scaffold. 

They went to death with the intrepidity usual at that epoch. 
There were many troops under arms, and their escort was 
numerous. The crowd, generally loud in its applause, was 
silent. Camille Desmoulins, when in the fatal cart, was still 
full of astonishment at his condemnation, which he could not 
comprehend. " This, then," said he, " is the reward reserved 
for the first apostle of liberty." Danton stood erect, and 
looked proudly and cahnly around. At the foot of the scaffold 
he betrayed a momentary emotion. " Oh, my best beloved— 
my wife ! " he cried, " I shall not see thee again." Then suddenly 
interruptmg himself : " No weakness, Danton ! " Thus perished 
the last defenders of humanity and moderation; the last 
w*o sought to promote peace among the conquerors of the 
revolution and pity for the conquered. For a long time after 



Execution of the Dantonists 2 1 9 

them no voice was raised against the dictatorship of terror; 
and from one end of France to the other it struck silent and 
redoubled blows. The Girondists had sought to prevent this 
violent reign,— the Dantonists to stop it; all perished, and the 
conquerors had the more victims to strike the more foes arose 
around them. In so sanguinary a career, there is no stopping 
until the tyrant is himself slain. The Decemvirs, after the 
definitive fall of the Girondists, had made terror the order of the 
day; after the fall of the Hibertists, justice and probity, because 
these were impure men ofJaeHon ; after the fall of the Dantonists, 
terror and all virtues, because these Dantonists were, according 
to their phraseology, indulgents and immorals. 



220 



The French Revolution 



CHAPTER IX 

PROM THB DEATH OK DANTON, APRIL, I794, TO THE 9TH 
THBSMIDOR, (27TH JULY, 1794) 

During the four months following the fall of the Danton party, 
the committees exercised their authority without opposition or 
restraint. Death became the only means of governing, and the 
republic was given up to daily and systematic executions. It 
was then were invented the alleged conspiracies of the inmates 
of the prisons, crowded under the law des suspects, or emptied 
by that of the a 2nd Prairial, which might be billed the law des 
condamnis ; then the emissaries of the committee of public 
safety entirely replaced in the departments those of the Moun- 
tain; and Carrier, the protig^ of Billaud, was seen in the west; 
Maigret, the protigi of Couthon, in the south; and Joseph 
Lebon, the prot£g6 of Robespierre, in the north. The exter- 
mination en masse of the enemies of the democratic dictatorship, 
which had already been effected at Lyons and Toulon by grape- 
shot, became still more horrible, by the noyades of Nantes, and 
the scaffolds of Arras, Paris, and Orange. 

May this example teach men a truth, which for their good 
ought to be generally known, that in a revolution all depends 
on a first refusal and a first struggle. To effect a pacific innova- 
tion, it must not be contested; otherwise war is declared and 
the revolution spreads, because the whole nation is aroused to 
its defence. When society is thus shaken to its foundations, it 
is the -aost daring who triumph, and instead of wise and tem- 
perate reformers, we find only extreme and inflexible innovators. 
Engendered by contest, they maintain themselves by it; with 
one hand they fight to maintain their sway, with the other they 
establish their system with a view to its consolidation; they 
massacre in the name of their doctrines: virtue, humanity, the 
welfare of the people, all that is holiest on earth, they use to 
sanction their executions, and to protect their dictatorship. 
Until they become exhausted and fall, all perish indiscriminately, 
both the enemies and the partisans of reform. The tempest 
dashes a whole nation against the rock of revolution. Inquire 
what became of the men of 1789 in 1794, and it will be found 



Aim of the Decemvirs 221 

that they were all alike swept away in this vast shipwreck. 
As soon as one party appeared on the field of battle, it sum- 
moned all the others ttudier, and all like it were in turn con- 
quered and exterminated; constitutionalists, Girondists, the 
Mountain, and the Decemvirs themselves. At each defeat, the 
effusion of blood became greater, and the system of tyranny 
more violent. The Decemvirs were the most cruel, because 
they were the last. 

The committee of public safety, being at once the object of 
the attacks of Europe, and of the hatred of so many conquered 
parties, thought that any abatement of violence would occasion 
Its destruction; it wished at the same time to subdue its foes, 
and to get rid of them. " The dead alone do not return," said 
Barrire. " The more freely the social bodj^ perspires, the more 
healthy it becomes," added Collot-d'Herbois. But tb» Decem- 
virs, not suspecting their power to be ephemeral, aimed at 
fotmding a democracy, and sought in institutions a security for 
its permanence in the time when they should cease to employ 
executions. They possessed in the highest degree the fana- 
ticism of certain social theories, as the millenarians of the English 
revolution, with whom they may be compared, had the fana- 
ticism of certain religious ideas. The one originated with 
the people, as the other looked to God; these desired the most 
absolute political equality, as those sought evangeUcal equality; 
these aspired to the reign of virtue, as those to thcweign of the 
saints. Human nature flies to extremes in all things, and 
produces, in a religious epoch, democratic Christians — in a 
philosophical epoch, political democrats. 

Robespierre and Saint- Just had produced the plan of that 
democracy, whose principles they professed in all their speeches; 
they wished to change the manners, mind, and customs of 
France, and to make it a republic after the manner of the 
ancients; they sought to establish the dominion of the people; 
to have magistrates free from pride; citizens free from vice; 
fraternity of intercourse, simplicity of manners, austerity of 
character, and the worship of virtue. The symbolical words 
of the sect may be found in the speeches of all the reporters of 
the committee, and especially in those of Robespierre and Saint- 
Just, Liberty and equality for the government of the republic ; 
indivisibility for its form; ptAlic sc^ety for its defence and 
preservation; virtue for its principle; the Supreme Being for 
Its religion; as for the citizens, fraternity for their daily inter- 
course; probity for their conduct; good sense for their mental 



222 The French Revolution 

qualities; modesty for their public actions, which were to have 
for object the welfare of the state, and not their own: such was 
the symbol of this democracy. Fanaticism could not go further. 
The authors of thb system did not inquire into its practicabiUty; 
they thought it just and natural; and having power, they tried 
to establish it by violence. Not one of these words but served 
to condemn a party or individuals. The royalists and aristocrats 
were hunted down in the name of liberty and equality ; the 
Girondists in the name of indivisibility ; Philippeaux, Camille 
Desmouhns, and the moderate party, in the name of public 
safely ; Chaumette, Anacharsis Clootz, Gobet, Hubert, all the 
anarchical and atheistical party, in the name of virtue and the 
Supreme Being; Chabot, Bazire, Fabre-d'Eglantine, in the 
name of probity ; Danton in the name of virtue and modesty. 
In the eyes of fanatics, these moral crimes necessitated their 
destruction, as much as the conspiracies which they were 
accused of. 

Robespierre was the patron of this sect, which had in the 
committee a more zealous, disinterested, and fanatic partisan 
than himself, in the person of Saint- Just, who was called the 
Apocalyptic. His features were bold but regular, and marked 
by an expression determined, but melancholy. His eye was 
steady and piercing; his hair black, straight, and long. His 
manners cold, though his character was ardent; simple in his 
habits, austere and sententious, he advanced without hesitation 
towards the completion of his system. Though scarcely twenty- 
five years old, he was the boldest of the Decemvirs, because 
his convictions were the deepest. Passionately devoted to the 
republic, he was indefatigable in the committees, intrepid on 
his missions to the armies, where he set an example of courage, 
sharing the marches and dangers of the soldiers. His predi- 
lection for the multitude did not make him pay court to their 
propensities; and far from adopting their dress and language 
with Hubert, he wished to confer on them ease, gravity, and 
dignity. But his policy made him more terrible than his 
popular sentiments. He had much daring, coolness, readiness, 
and decision. Rarely susceptible to pity, he reduced to form 
his measures for the public safety, and put them into execu- 
tion immediately. If he considered victory, proscription, the 
dictatorship necessary, he at once demanded them. Unlike 
Robespierre, he was completely a man of action. The latter, 
comprehending all the use he might make of him, early gained 
him over in the convention. Saint- Just, on his part, was drawn 



Domination of the Decemvirs 



223 



i 



towards Robespierre by his reputation for incorruptibility, his 
austere life, and the conformity of their ideas. 

The terrible effects of their association may be conceived 
when we consider their popularity, the envious and tyrannical 
passions of the one, and the inflexible character and systematic 
views of the other. Couthon had joined them ; he was personally 
devoted to Robespierre. Although he had a mild look and a 
partially paralysed frame, he was a man of merciless fanaticism. 
They formed, in the committee, a triumvirate which soon 
sought to engross aU power. This ambition alienated the other 
members of the committee, and caused their own destruction. 
In the meantime, the triumvirate imperiously governed the 
convention ar»J the committee itself. When it was necessary 
to intimidate the ajsembly, Saint-Just was intrusted with the 
task; when they wished to take it by surprise, Couthon was 
employed. If the assembly murmured or hesitated, Robes- 
pierre rose, and restored silence and terror by a single word. 

During the first two months after the fall of the commune 
and the Danton party, the Decemvirs, who were not yet divided, 
laboured to secure their domination: their commissioners kept 
the departments in restraint, and the armies of the republic were 
victorious on all the frontiers. The committee took advantage 
of this moment of security and imion to lay the foundation of 
new manners and new institutions. It must never be forgotten . 
that in a revolution men are moved by two tenden'-ies, attach- 
ment to their ideas, and a thirst for conunand. T*\e members 
of the committee, at the beginning, agreed in their democratic 
sentiments ; at the end, they contended for power. 

Billaud-Varennes presented the theory of popular government 
and the means of rendering the army always sulrardinate to 
the nation. Robespierre delivered a discourse on the moral 
sentiments and solemnities suited to a republic: he dedicated 
festivals to the Supreme Being, to Truth, Justice, Modesty, Friend- 
ship, Frugality, Fidelity, Immortality, Misfortune, etc., in a word, 
to all the moral and republican virtues. In this way he prepared 
the establishment of the new worship 0/ the Supreme Being. 
Barrire made a report on the extirpation of mendicity, and the 
assistance the republic owed to indigent citizens. All these 
reports passed into decrees, agreeably to the wishes of the 
democrats. Barr4re, whose habitual speeches in the convention 
were calculated to disguise his servitude from himself, was one 
of the most supple instruments of the committee ; he belonged 
to the regime of terror, neither from cruelty nor from fanaticism. 



224 



The French Revolution 



I 



His manners were gentle, his private life blameless, and he 
possessed great moderation of mind. But he was timid; and 
after having been a constitutional royalist before the loth of 
August, a moderate republican prior to the 31st of May, he 
became the panegyrist and the co-operator of the decemviral 
tyranny. This shows that, in a revolution, no one should 
become an actor without decision of character. Intellect alone 
is not inflexible enough; it is too accommodating; it finds 
reasons for everything, even for what terrifies and disgusts it; 
it never knows when to stop, at a time when one ought always 
to be prepared to die, and to end one's part or end one's opinions. 
Robespierre, who was considered the founder of this moral 
democracy, now attained the highest degree of elevation and 
of power. He became the object of the general flattery of his 
party; he was the great man of the republic. Men spoke of 
nothing but 0/ his virtue, of his genius, and of his eloquence. 
Two circumstances contributed to augment his importance 
still further. On the 3rd Frairial, an obscure but intrepid man, 
named I'Admiral, was determined to deliver France from 
Robespierre and CoUot-d'Herbois. He waited in vain for 
Robespierre all day, and at night he resolved to kill Collot. 
He fired twice at him with pistols, but missed him. The following 
. day, a young girl, name Cicile Renaud, called at Robespierre's 
house, and earnestly begged to speak with him. As he was out, 
and as she still insisted upon bemg admitted, she was detained. 
She carried a small parcel, and two knives were found on 
her person. " What motive brought you to Robespierre's? " 
inquired her examiners. " I wanted to speak to him." " On 
what business? " " That depended on how I might find him." 
"Do you know citizen Robespierre ? " " No, I sought to know 
him; I went to his house to see what a tyrant was like." " What 
did yo . propose doing with your two knives? " "Nothing, 
having no intention to injure any one." " And your parcel? " 
" Contains a change of linen for my use in the place I shall be 
sent to." "Where is that?" "To prison; and from thence 
to the guillotine." The unfortunate girl was ultimately taken 
there, and her family shared her fate. 

Robespierre received marks of the most intoxicating adulation. 
At the Jacobins and in the convention his preservation was 
attributed to the good genius of the republic, and to the Supreme 
Being, whose existence he had decreed on the i8th Florial. 
The celebration of the new religion had been fixed for the aoth 
Prairial throughout France. On the i6th, Robespierre was 



A New Law Presented to Convention 225 

unanimously appointed president of the convention, in order that 
he might officiate as the pontiff at the festival. At that cere- 
mony he appeared at the head of the assembly, his face beaming 
with joy and confidence, an unusual expression with him. He 
advanced alone, fifteen feet in advance of his colleagues, attired 
in a magnificent dress, holding flowers and ears of com in his 
hand, the object of general attention. Expectation was uni- 
versally raised on this occasion: the enemies of Robespierre 
foreboded attempts at usurpation, the persecuted looked forward 
to a milder regime. He disappointed every one. He harangued 
the people in his capacity of high priest, and concluded his 
speech, in which all expected to find a hope of happier prospects, 
with these discouraging voids:— " People, let us to-day give 
ourselves up to the transports of pure delight I To-morrow we 
will renew our struggle against vices and against tyrants." 

Two days after, on the ztnd Prairial, Couthon presented a 
new law to the convention. The revolutionary tribunal had 
dutifully struck all those who had been pointed out to it: 
royalists, constitutionalists, Girondists, anarchists, and Moun- 
tain, had been all alike despatched to execution. But it did 
not proceed expeditiously enough to satbfy the systematic 
exterminators, who wished promptly, and at any cost, to get 
nd of all theu- prisoners. It still observed some forms; these 
were suppressed. " All tardiness," said Couthon, " is a crime, 
all mdulgent formality a public danger; there should be no 
longer delay m punishing the enemies of the state than suffices 
to recognise them." Hitherto the prisoners had counsel; they 
had them no longer:— TAe law/urnishes patriot jurymen/or the 
defence of ccdumniaied patriots ; it grants none to conspirators. 
They tried them, at first, individually; now they tried them en 
masse. There had been some precision in the crimes, even when 
revolutionary; now all the enemies of the people were declared 
guilty, and all were pronounced enemies of the people who 
nought to d^^troy liberty by force or stratagem. The jury before 
had the law to guide their determinations, they now only had their 
consctence. A single tribunal, Fouquier-Tinville and a fow 
jurymen, were not sufficient for the increase of victims the new 
law threatened to bring before it; the tribunal was divided 
into four sections, the number of judges and juries was increased, 
and the pubhc accuser had four substitutes appointed to assist 
lum. Lastly, the deputies of the people could not before be 
brought to trial without a decree of the convention; but the law 
was now so drawn up that they could be tried on an order from 



226 



The French Revolution 



the committees. The law respecting suspected persons gave 
rise to that of Prairial. 

As soon as Couthon had made his report, a murmur of astonish- 
ment and alarm pervaded the assembly. " If this law passes," 
cried Ruamps, " all we have to do is to blow our brains out. 
I demand an adjourment." This motion was supported; but 
Robespierre ascended the tribunal. " For a long time," said 
he, " the national assembly has been accustomed to discuss 
and decree at the same time, because it has long been delivered 
from the thraldcn of faction. I move that without considering 
the question of adjournment, the convention debate, till eight 
in the evening if necessary, on the proposed law." The dis- 
cussion was immediately begun, and in thirty minutes after the 
second reading, the decree was carried. But the following day, 
a few members, more afraid of the law than of the committee, 
returned to the debate of the day before. The Mountain, 
friends of Danton, fearing, for their own sakes, the new pro- 
visions, which left the representatives at the mercy of the 
Decemvirs, proposed to the convention to provide for the 
safety of its members. Bourdon de I'Oise was the T.rst to speak 
on this subject; he was supported. Merlin, by a skilful amend- 
ment, restored the old safeguard of the conventionalists, and 
the assembly adopted Merlin's measure. Gradually, objections 
were made to the decree; the courage oi the Mountain increased, 
and the discussion became very animated. Couthon attacked 
the Mountain. " Let them know," replied Bourdon de I'Oise 
— " let the members of the committee know that if they are 
patriots, we are patriots too. Let them know that I shall not 
reply with bitterness to their reproaches. I esteem Couthon, 
I esteem the committee; but I also esteem the unshaken 
Mountain which has saved our liberty." Robespierre, surprised 
at this unexpected resistance, hurried to the tribune. " The 
convention," said he, " the Mountain, and the committee are 
the same thing! Every representative of the people who 
sincerely loves liberty, every representative of the people who is 
ready to die for his country, belongs to the Mountain! We 
should insult our country, assassinate the people, did we allow 
a few intriguing persons, more contemptible than others, because 
they are more hypocritical, to draw ofi a portion of the Mountain, 
and make themselves the leaders of a party." " If was never 
my intention," said Bourdon, " to make myself leader of a 
party." " It would be the height of opprobrium," continued 
Ro|>espierTe, " if a few of our colleagues, led away by calumny 



Terror within Terror 



227 



respecting our intentioiu and the object of our labours . . ." 
" I insist on your proving what you assert," rejoined Bourdon. 
" I have been very plainly called a scoundrel." " I did not name 
Bourdon. Woe to the man who names himself I Yes, the 
Mountain is pure, it is sublime; intriguers do not belong to the 
MounUin ! " " Name them I " " I will name them when it is 
necessary." The threats and the imperious tone of Ropes- 
pierre, the support of the other Decemvirs, and the feeling of 
fear which went round caused profound silence. The amend- 
ment of Merlin was revoked as insulting to the committee of 
public safety, and the whole law was adopted. From that time 
executions took place in batches; and fifty persons were sent to 
death daily. This Ttrror within terror lasted about two months. 
But the end of this system drew near. The sittings of Prairial 
were the term of union for the member of the committees. 
From that time, silent dissensions existed among them. They 
had advanced together, so long as they had to contend 
together; but this ceased to be the case when they found them- 
selves alone in the arena, with habits of contest and the desire 
for dominion. Moreover, their opinions were no longer entirely 
the same: the democratic party were divided by the fall of 
the old commune; Billaud-Varennes, CoUot-d'Herbois, and the 
principal members of the committee of general safety, Vadier, 
Amar, Vouland, clung to this overthrown faction, and preferred 
Ou vorship of Reason to that of the Supreme Being. They were 
also jealous of the fame, and anxious at the power of Robespierre, 
who, in his turn, was irritated at their secret disapprobation and 
the obstacles they opposed to his wiU. At this period, the latter 
conceived the design of putting down the most enterprising 
members of the Mountain, Tallien, Bourdon, Legendre, Friron, 
Rovire, etc., and hb rivals of the committee. 

Robespierre had a prodigious force at his disposal, the common 
people, who considered the revolution as depending on him, 
supported him as the representative of its doctrines and interests ; 

; the armed force of Paris, commanded by Henriot, was at his 
command. He had entire sway over the Jacobins, whom he 
admitted and ejected at pleasure; all important posts were 
occupied by his creatures; he had formed the revolutionary 
tribunal and the new committee himself, substituting Payan 
tte national agent, for Chaumette, the attorney-general; and 
Fleuriot for Pache, in the office of mayor. But what was his 

■ design in granting the most influential places to new men, and 
m separatmg hunself from the committees? Did he aspire to 



228 



The French Revolution 



the dictatorship? Did he only seek to esublish his demoovcy 
of virtue by the ruin of the remaining immoral members of the 
Mountain, and the factious of the committee ? Each party had 
lost its leaders: the Gironde had lost the twenty-two; the 
commune, Hubert, Chaumette, and Ronsin; the Mountain, 
Danton, Chabot, Lacroix, and Camille Desmouhns. But whUe 
thus proscribing the leaders, Robespierre had carefully pro- 
tected the sects. He had defended the seventy-thret prisoners 
against the denunciations of the Jacobins and the hatred of the 
committees; he had placed himself at the head of the new 
commune; he had no longer reason to fear opposition to his 
projects, whatever they might be, except from a few of the 
Mountain and the members of the conventional government. 
I!; was against this double obstacle that he directed his efforts 
during the last moments of his career. It is probable that he 
did not separate the republic from his protectorate, and that 
he thought to establUh both on the overthrow of the other 

parties. . 

The committees opposed Robespierre m their own way. 
They secretly strove to bring about his fall by accusmg him of 
tyranny; they caused the establishment of his religion to bj 
considered as the presage of his usurpation; they recalled the 
haughty attitude he assumed on the joth Pnanal, and the 
distance at which he kept even the national convention. Among 
themselves, they called him Pisistratus, and this name already 
passed from mouth to mouth. A circumstance, insigmticant 
enough at any other time, gave them an opportunity of attackmg 
him indirectly. An old woman, called Catherine Theot, played 
the prophetess in an obscure habitation, surrounded by a few 
mystic sectaries: they styled her the Mother of God, and she 
announced the immediate coming of a Messiah. Among her 
foUowers there was on old associate of Robespierre m the con- 
stituent assembly, the Chartreux Dom Gerle, who had a civic 
certificate from Ro'-^spierre himself. When the committees dis- 
covered the myster. of the Mother of God, and her predictioiK, 
they believed or pretended to believe, that Robespierre made 
use of her instrumentality to gain over the fanatics, or to 
announce his elevation. They altered her name of Theot into 
that of Theos, signifying God ; and they craftily msmuated that 
Robespierre was the Messiah she announced. The aged Vadier, 
in the name of the conunittee of general safety, was deputed 
to bring forward a motion against this new sect. He was vam 
and subtle; he denounced those who were initiated mto these 



Robespierre a Conspirator 229 

I myiteries, turned the worship into derision, implicated Robes- 
pierre in it without naming him, and had the fanatics sent to 
i prison. Robespierre wished to save them. The conduct of the 
' committee of general safety greatly irriuted him, and in the 
Jacobin club he spoke of the speech of Vadier with contempt and 
' anger. He experienced fresh opposition from the committee 
t of public safety, which refused to proceed against the persons 
5 he pointed out to them. From that time he ceased to join his 
colleagues in the government, and was rarely present at the 
, sittings of the convention. But he attended the Jacobins 
I regularly; and from the tribune of that club he hoped to over- 
"l throw his enemies as he had hitherto done. 

Nat'orally sad, suspicious and timid, he became more melan- 
choly and mistrustful than ever. He never went out without 
being accompanied by several Jacobins armed with sticks, who 
were called his body-guard. He soon commenced his denunci- 
ations in the popular as-sembly. " AU corrupt men," said he, 
; " must be expelled the convention." This was designating the 
i friends of Danton. Robespierre had them watched with the 
I most m'lmte anxiety. Every day spies followed all their 
f motions, observing their actions, haunts, and conversation. 
.; Robespierre not only attacked the Dantonists at the Jacobins, 
he even arose against the committee itself, and for that purpose 
he chose a day when Barrire presided in the populsu- assembly. 
At the close of the sitting, the latter returned home discouraged ; 
" I am disgusted with men," said he to Villate. " What could 
be his motive for attacking you ? " inquired the other. Robes- 
lipierre is insatiable," rejoined Barr4re; "because we will not 
1 do all he wishes, he must break with us. If he talked to us about 
i Thuriot, Gufiroi, RovAre Lecointre, Panis, Cambon, Monestier, 
i and the rest of the Dantonists, we might agree with him; let 
i him even require Tallien, Bourdon de I'Oise, Legendre, Fr4ron, 
1 well; but Duval, Audoin, Leonard Bourdon, Vadier, Vouland — 
j it is impossible to consent." To give up members of the com- 

tmittee of general safety, was to expose themselves; accordingly, 
while fearing, they firmly awaited the attack. Robespierre 
fwas very iormidable, with respect to his power, his hatred, and 
his designs; it was for him to begin the combat. 
^ But how could he set about it ? For the first time he was the 
j author of a conspiracy; hitherto he had taken advantage of all 
' popular movements. Danton, the Cordeliers, and the faubourgs 
I had made the insurrection of the loth of August against the 
i throne; Marat, the Mountain, and the commune had made 



230 



The French Revolution 



that of the jiit of May againit the Gironde; Billaud, Saint- 
Juat, and the committees had effected the ruin of the commune, 
and weakr'cJ the Mountain. Robespierre remained alone. 
Unable to procure atiiitance from the government, since he 
had declared against the committees, he had recourse to tlw 
populace and the Jacobins. The principal conspirators were 
Samt-Just, and COuthon in the committee; Fleuriot the mayor, 
and Payan the national agent in the commune; Dumas the 
president, and Coffinhal the vice-president, in the revolutionary 
tribunal; Henriot, the commander of the armed force, and the 
popular society. On the 15th Messidor, three weeks after the 
law of Prairial, and twenty-four days before the 9th Thermidor, 
the resolution was already taken; at that time, and under that 
date, Henriot wrote to the mayor: " You shall be satisfied with 
me, comrade, and with the way in which I shall proceed; trust 
me, men who love their country, easily agree in directing all 
their steps to the benefit of public affairs. I would have wished, 
and I do wish, that the secret of the operation rested with us two; 
the wicked should know nothing of it. Health and brotherhood." 
Saint- Just was on a mission to the army of the north; Robes- 
pierre hastily recalled him. While waiting his return, he pre- 
pared the public mind at the Jacobins. In the sitting of the 
3rd Thermidor, he complained of the conduct of tho committees, 
and of the persecution of the patriots, whom he swore to defend. 
" There must no longer be traces of crime or faction," said he, 
" in any place whatever. A few scoundrels disgrace the con- 
vention; but it will not allow itself to be swayed by them." 
He then urged his colleagues, the Jacobins, to prevent their 
reflections to the national assembly. This was the transaction 
of the 31st of May. On the 4th, he received a deputation from 
the department of I'Aisne, who came to complain to him of 
the operations of the government, to which, for a month past, 
he had been a stranger. " The convention," said Robespierre, 
in his reply to the deputation, " in the situation in which it now 
stands, gangrened by corruption, and being wholly unable to 
recover itself, cannot save the republic — both must perish. 
The proscription of patriots is the order of the day. As for me 
I have one foot in the tomb; in a few days the other will follow 
it. The rest is in the hands of Providence." He was then 
slightly indisposed, and he purposely exafrgerated his discourage- 
ment, his fears, and the dangers of the republic, in order to 
inflame the patriots, and again bind the fate of the revolution 
with his own. 



Robespierre's Defence 231 

In the meuitime, Saint-Just arrived from the army. He 
I ascertained the state of affairs from Robespierre. He pre- 
^ sented himself to the committees, the members of which received 
: him coldly; every time he entered, they ceased to deliberate. 
Saint-Just, who, from their silence, a few chance words, and 
the expression of perplexity or hostility on their countenances, 
saw there was no time to be lost, pressed Robespierre to act. 
( His Maxim was to strike at once, and resolutely. " Dare," 
, said he, " that is the secret of revolutions." But he wished to 
prevail on Robespierre to take a measure, which was impossible, 
by urging him to strike his foes, without apprising them. The 
force at his disposal was a force of revolutionary opinion, and 
not an organized force. It was necessary for him to seek the 
assistance of the convention or of the commune, the legal 
authority of government, or the extraordinary authority of 
insurrection. Such was the custom, and such must be all 
coups-d'^tat. They could not even have recourse to insur- 
rection, until after they had received the refusal of the assembly, 
;• otherwise a pretext was wanting for the rising. Robespierre was 
i therefore obliged to commence the attack in the convention 
f itself. He hoped to obtain everything from it by his ascendancy, 
' or if, contrary to its custom, it resisted, he reckoned on the 
people, urged by the commune, rising on the 9th Thermidor 
agair the prosaibed of the Mountam, and the committee of 
public safety, as it had risen on the 31st of May against the 
poscribed of the Gironde and the Commission of Twelve. It 
IS almost always by the past that man regulates his conduct 
and his hopes. 
On the 8th Thermidor, he entered the convention at an early 

4 hour. He ascended the tribunal and denounced the committee 
* in a most skilful speech. " I am come," said he, " to defend 
I before you your authority insulted, and liberty violated. I will 
I also defend myself; you will not be surprised at this; you do 
g not resemble the tyrants you contend with. The cries o? out- 
1 raged innocence do not importune your ears, and you know that 

5 this cause is not foreign to your interests." After this opening, 
•f he complained of those who had calumniated him; he attacked 

• those who sought the ruin of the republic, either by excesses or 

- moderation; those who persecuted pacific citizens, meaning 

; the committees, and those who persecuted true patriots, meaning 

the Mountain. He associated himself with the intentions, past 

conduct, and spirit of the convention; he added that its enemies 

were his : " What have I done to merit persecution, if it entered 



232 



The French Revolution 



not into the general system of their conspiracy against the 
convention? Have you not observed that, to isolate you from 
the nation, they have given out that you are dictators, reigning: 
by means of terror, and disavowed by the silent wishes of all 
Frenchmen? For myself, what faction do I belong to? To 
yourselves. What is that faction that, from the beginning of 
the revolution, has overthrown all factions, and got rid of 
acknowledged traitors. It is you, it is the people, it is principles. 
That is the faction to which I am devoted, and against which all 
crimes are leagued. For at least six weeks, my inability to do 
good and to check evil has obliged me absolutely to renounce 
my functions as a member of the committee of public safety. 
Has patriotism been better protected? Have factions been 
more timid? Or the country more happy? At all times my 
influence has been confined to pleading the cause of my country 
before the national representation, and at the tribunal of public 
opinion." After having attempted to confound his cause with 
that of the convention, he tried to excite it against the com- 
mittees by dwelling on the idea of its independence. " Repre- 
sentatives of the people," said he, " it is time to resume the pride 
and elevation of character which befits you. You are not made 
to be ruled, but to rule the depositaries of your confidence." 

While he thus endeavoured to tempt the assembly by the 
return of its power and the end of its slavery, he addressed the 
moderate party, by reminding them that they were indebted to 
him for the lives of the Seventy-Three, and by holding forth 
hopes of returning order, justice, and clemency. He spoke 
of changing the devouring and trickster system of finance, of 
softening the revolutionary government, of guiding its influence, 
and punishing its prevaricating agents. Lastly, he invoked 
the people, talked of their necessities, and of their power. And 
when he had recalled all that could act upon the interests, hopes, 
or fears of the convention, he added: " We say, then, that there 
exists a conspiracy against public liberty; that it owes its 
strength to a criminal coalition which intrigues in the very 
heart of the convention; that this coalition has accomplices in 
the conmiittee of general safety; that the enemies of the republic 
have opposed this committee to the committee of public safety, 
and have thus constituted two governments; that members of 
the comniittee of public safety are concerned in this plot; that 
the coalition thus formed seeks the ruin both of patriots and 
of the country; What remedy is there for this evil? Punish 
the traitors; compose anew die committee of general safety; : 



Opposition to Robespierre 233 

purify this committee, and make it subordinate to the committee 
of public safety; purify the latter committee itself; constitute 
the unity of the government under the supreme authority of the 
convention; crush every faction under the weight of national 
authority, and establish on their ruins the power of justice and 
liberty." 

Not a murmur, not a mark of applause welcomed this de- 
claration of war. The silence with which Robespierre was 
heard contmued long after he had ceased speaking. Anxious 
looks were exchanged in all parts of the doubting assembly. 
At length Lecointre of Versailles arose and proposed that the 
speech should be printed. This motion was the signal for 
agitation, discussion, and resistance. Bourdon de I'Oise opposed 
the motion for printing the speech, as a dangerous measure 
He was applauded. But BarrAre, in his ambiguous manner, 
havmg maintained that all speeches ought to be published, and 
Couthon having moved that it should be sent to all the communes 
of the republic, the convention, intimidated by this apparent 
concord of the two opposite factions, decreed both the printing 
and circulation of the speech. 

The members of the two committees thus attacked, who had 
lutherto remained silent, seeing the Mountain thwarted, and 
Oie majority undecided, thought it time to speak. Vadier 
first opposed Robespierre's speech and Robespierre himself. 
Cambon went further. " It is time," he cried, " to speak the 
whole truth: one man paralyzed the resolution of the national 
assembly; that man is Robespierre." " The mask must be 
torn off," added Billaud-Varennes, "whatever face it may 
cover; I would rather my corpse should serve an ambitious 
man for his throne, than by my silence to become the accomplice 
of his crimes." Panis, Bentabole, Charlier, Thirion, Amar, 
attacked him in turn. Fr&on proposed to the convention to 
throw off the fatal yoke of the committees. " The time is 
come," said he, " to revive liberty of opinion; I move that the 
assembly revoke the decree which gives the committee power to 
airest the representatives of the people. Who can speak freely 
while he fears an arrest? " Some applause was heard; but the 
moment for the entire deliverance of the convention was not 
yet amved. It was necessary to contend with Robespierre 
from behind the committees, in order subsequentlv to attack 
the committees more easily. Fr^ron's motion was accordinitlv 
rejected. "The man whc is prevented by fear from deliveraig 
his opmion," said BiUaud-Varenries, looking at him, " is not 



¥ I 



234 The French Revolution 

worthy the title of a representative of the ueoole " Att.„t.v 
was again drawn to RobesDierre l^f a^ Attention 

"Wha^Tlh!^ A^ " *'V* ^^^ resistance, then said ■ 

wK'thirnetss^'^rX'^SV"''^^'""^^^ 

baTkXassemW^rhVw *^ or"rathTbriL"^''r « i^? "^^ 
withtheaidofthe''conspiraKrSo&^^^^ 

re^v^!^' :^*7nL"r^^: read^rsr^" ^T 

ffl5c.^^a£t-cr^v;Safe^K^^^ 

r^^spi-Tsxx^^vs^^^^^^^^^ 

influential members of the Right and ofThe Marafa ^,vTh 
»treat«^Boissyd>glasan§DuranddeM^l^e ^o'^^''^ 
at ^T ^1f^' *° ^'"" '^"° *8*^t Robespierre. TTieylesitTted 

^^; 1- * • i*"**^ ''^y dismissed the Dantonists twice 

without hstemng to them. At last the Dantonists returned t" 
the charge a third tmie, and then the Right .^dXlto 



1 



Opposition to Robespierre 235 

^aged to support them There was thus a conspiracy on both 
sidM^ All the parties of the assembly were united against 
Robwpierre, all the accomplices of the triumvirs were pr^ed 
to act ^nst the convention. In this state of affaiiTthe 
stttmg of the ninth Thermidor began. 

The members of the assembly repaired there earlier than 
usual. About half-past eleven they gathered in the passaires 
encouragmg each othen The Bourdon de I'Oise, onVof the 
Mountain, approached Durand de MaiUane, a moderate, pressed 

W ' ^"I'^V?^ ^" P^°P'« °f *•«= Right are excellent men." 
Rovire and Tallien came up and mingled their congratulations 
w^th those of Bourdon. At twelve they saw, from the door of 
,^fH T i- ""'^u ^"^""^ "«= *"''""'=• "^'^ " "" time," 
liJ^ T' 'f\^^^^ '?.''""• '•>* ^'^^- Robespierre occupied 
a seat m front of the tribune, doubtless in order to intimidate 
b» advemr.es with his looks. Saint-Just began: " Mo„g" 
thin« hi ° °K ^'^■°",= l^"' oppose them ^ The cou^^if 
SKo?f ?iy P" T^* I'''' ^"""""^ '•'« Tarpeian rock for him 
m^?t.5^i teU you that the members of the govermnent ha™ 
n in Pf •? of prudence." Tallien then faterrupted SainT 
Just, and exclaimed violently: " No good citizen can restrain 
t^^l^ T'fi '"^"^ °' Publi 'affair.. "weTe no^ 
a^H iT^ u'f ^''^ "<^«y » "e-^ber of the government sepi? 
«m. T " ^-r ',' *° '""^'' '*• To-day Mother does «» 
TTh. r^^^^\'''^ *°- ".""^.^^^ other, io increase the wo« 
of the country, to precipitate it into the abyss. Let the veil 

e^ejside.*""''"'"^"'' "^"°"^*' it musU " resounded ^n 

Billaud-Varennes spoke from his seat-" Yesterday " said 

he, the society of Jacobins was filled with hired men,' for no 

one had a card; yesterday the design of assassinatU the 

^Z ^ u"^^ ""'" ""'""S the most atrocious insults agai^t 
those who have never deviated from the revolution. lle^n 

aL hT "" °"/ °^ "^^ '"^ ^''° threatened the republic 
thwe he IS." " Arrest him ! arrest him ! " was the general cr^ 

•J ^n ^^•- ^* "™« " come for speakint the truth " 

fr„™ V if 1°^ the position in which it is placed, did t cS 
^^h^' 'lf.i' if.?'^'='^ ^'^'^'^ two massacres. 1° wm 
rt ^•*i^'''- ■ ^°' ""' ^t wiU not perish! " exdaimrf 
all the members, nsmg from their seats. They swore tTwt* 



236 



The French Revolution 



•*? "P!'J''"=- The spectotors in the gaUery applauded, and 
cned- Vive la Convention Nationakl" The impetuous 
Lebas attempted to speak in defence of the triumvirs: he was 
not allowed to do so, and Billaud continued. He warned the 
convention of its dangers, attacked Robespierre, pointed out 
•us accompUces, denounced his conduct and his plans of dictator- 
ship All eyes were directed towards him. He faced them 
ftrmly for some time; but at length, unable to contain himself, 
he rushed to the tribune. The cry of " Down with the twant " 
instantly became general, and drowned his voice. ' 

"Just now," said Tallien, " I required that the veU should 
be torn asunder. It gives me pleasure to see that it is wholly 
sundered. The conspirators are unmasked; they will soon be 
destroyed, and liberty wUl triumph. I was present yesterday 
at the sitting of the Jacobins; I trembled for my country I 
saw the army of this new Cromwell forming, and I armed myself 
with a poignard to stab him to the heart, if the national con- 
vention wanted courage to decree his impeachment." He drew 
out his poignard, brandished it before the indignant assembly, 
and moved before anything else, the arrest of Henriot the 
permMient sitting of the assembly; and both motions were 
earned, m the midst of cries of—" Vive la republique ! " Billaud 
also moved the arrest of three of Robespierre's most daring 
accomphces, Dumas, Boulanger, and Dufrdse. Barrire caused 
the convention to be placed under the guard of the armed 
sections, and drew up a proclamation to be addressed to the 
people. Every one proposed a measure of precaution. Vadier 
diverted the assembly for a moment, from the danger which 
threatened it, to the affair of aUierine Thfes. " Let us not be 
diverted from the true object of debate, said Tallien " " I will 
undertake to bring you back to it," said Robespierre. " Let us i 
turn our attention to the tyrant," rejoined Tallien, attacking 
mm more warmly than before. 

Robespierre, after attempting to speak several times, ascending 
and descendmg the stairs of the tribune, while his voice was 
drowied by cries of " Down with the tyrant! " and the beU 
which the president Thuriot continued ringing, now made a 
last effort to be heard. "President of assassins," he cried, 
for the last time, will you let me speak? " But Thuriot 
!^^-=*mued to rmg his bell. Robespierre, after glancing at the 
spectators m the public gallery, who remained motionless, 
turned towards the Right. " Pure and virtuous men," said 
Jie, X have recourse to you; give me the hearing which these 



Arrest of the Triumvirs 



»37 



Msassins refuse." No answer was returned; profound silence 
prevailed. Then, wholly dejected, he returned to his place, 
and sank on his seat exhausted by fatigue and rage. He foamed 
at the mouth, and his utterance was choked. "Wretch I" 
said one of the Mountain, " the blood of Danton chokes thee." 
His arrest was demanded and supported on all sides. Young 
Robespierre now arose: " I am as guilty as my brother," said 
he. " I share his virtues, and I will share his fate." " I will 
not be involved in the opprobrium of this decree," added Lebas ; 
" I demand my arrest too." The assembly unanimously de- 
creed the arrest of the two Robespierres, Couthon, Lebas, and 
Saint-Just. The latter, after standing for some time at the 
tribune with unchanged countenance, descended with com- 
posure to his place. He had faced this protracted storm without 
any show of agitation. TTie triumvirs were delivered to the 
gendarmerie, who removed them amidst general applause. 
Robespierre exclaimed, as he went out—" The republic is lostj 
the brigands triumph." It was now half-past five, and the 
sittmg was suspended till seven. 

During this stormy contest the accomplices of the triumvirs 
had assembled at the Commune and the Jacobins. Fleuriot 
the mayor, Payan the national agent, and Henriot the com- 
mandant, had been at the H6tel de Ville since noon. They had 
assembled the municipal officers by the sound of the drum, 
hoping that Robespierre would be triumphant in the assembly) 
and that they should not require the general council to decree 
the insurrection, or the sections to sustain it. A few hours after, 
a Serjeant of the convention arrived to summon the mayor to 
the bar of the assembly to give a report of the state of Paris. 
Go, and tell your scoundrels," said Henriot, " that we are 
discussmg how to purge them. Do not forget to tell Robes- 
pierre to be firm, and to fear nothing." About half-past four 
they learned of the arrest of the triumvirs, and the decree against 
their accompliceii. The tocsin was immediately sounded, the 
barriers closed, the general council assembled, and the section- 
aries called together. The cannoneers were ordered to bring 
their pieces to the commune, and the revolutionary committees 
to take the oath of insurrection. A message was sent to the 
Jacobins, who sat permanently. The municipal deputies were 
received with the greatest enthusiasm. " The society watches 
ova the country," they were told. "It has sworn to die 
lathtt than live under crime." At the same time they con- 
certed together, and established rapid communications between 



«38 The French Revolution 

these two centres of the iiuurrectinn h., ■-.» i.- .j 

""^oT^^^^ " thetomL're%tTa?s!Srr '^^ """''""' 
pJ^y Se usTo^^J^ ^''"^f " y" °" "^''« «de. Each 

r uZzs^Tt ^'°:? r" *"' fi "'hfcrentiors^' 

fS! ^=f„ . ' " ''*"'*'^ *•*« "rest of the triumvirs Pa^ 

and the convention had resumed its sitting. Its wTd at^h. 

The assembly was just then discussing the danger to which it 
was exposed. It had ust heard of the alarming sucosrofth- 
conspirators, of the insurrectional orders M?L?co™e Ae 
rescue of the tnumvirs, their presence at the H6teT^^;^Se: tt 



Decline of the Commune 239 

r«ge of the Jacobins, the successive convocation of the revolu- 
tionary council and of the sections. It was dreading a violent 
invasion every moment, when the terrified members of the 
committee rushed in, fleeing from Coffinhal. They learned that 
the committees were surrounded, and Henriot released. This 
news caused great agitation. The next moment Amar entered 
precipitately, and announced that the cannoneers, acted upon 
by Hennot, had turned their pieces upon the convention 

Qtuens, said the president, putting on his hat, in token of 
distress, the hour is come to die at our posts ! " " Yes yes I 
we will die there! " exclaimed aU the members. The people 
m the gaUenes rushed out, crying, "To arms! Let us drive 
back the scoundrels!" And the assembly couraeeouslv out- 
lawed Henriot. ^ -o / 

Fortunately for the assembly, Henriot could not prevaU upon 
the cannoneers to fire. His influence was limited to inducing 
them to accompany him, and he turned his steps to the Hotel 
oe VUle. The refusal of the cannoneers decided the fate of the 
day. From that moment the commune, which had been on the 
pomt of triumphmg, saw its affairs decline. Having failed 
m a surpnse by main force, it was reduced to the slow measures 
of the insurrection; the point of attack was changed, and soon 
It WM no longer the commune which besieged the Tuileries 
but the convention which marched upon the Hdtel de Ville 
^e assembly instantly outlawed the conspiring deputies and 
the insurgent commune. It sent commissioners to the sections 
to secure their aid, named the representative Barras commandant 
of the armed force, joining with him Fr^ron, RovAre, Bourdon 
de lOise, Ffraud, Leonard Bourdon, Legendre, aU men of 
decision : and made the committees the centre of operation 

The sections, on the invitation of the commune, had assembled 
about nme o'clock; the greater part of the citizens, in repairing 
thither, were anxious, uncertain, and but vaguely informed 
01 the quarrels between the commune and the convention 
lUe emissaries of the insurgents urged them to join them and 
to march their battalions to the Hotel de ViUe. The sections 
confined themselves to sending a deputation, but as soon as the 
commissioners of the convention arrived among them, had 
communicated to them the decrees and invitations of the 
assembly, and mformed them that there was a leader and a 
rauymg point, they hesitated no longer. Their battalions 
presented themselves in succession to the assembly they 
swore to defend it, and they passed in files through the haU 



240 



The French Revolution 



»nud shouts of enthusiasm and sincere applause "The 
momenu are precious," said Friron; " we must act; Bairas 
IS gone to take the orders of the committees; we will march 
against the rebels; we will summon them in the name of the 
, convention to deUver up the traitors, and if they refuse, we wiU 

reduce the buildmg in which they are to ashes." " Go " said 
the president, " and let not day appear before the heads'of the 
conspirators have fallen." A few battalions and some pieces 
of artUlcry were placed round the assembly, to guard it from 
attack, and the sections then marched in two columns against 
the commune. It was now nearly midnight. 

"ITie conspirators were still assembled. Robespierre, after 
having been received with cries of enthusiasm, promises of 
devotedness and victory, had been admitted into the general 
council between Payan and Fleuriot. The Place de Grdve was 
fiJUed with men, and glittered with bayonets, pikes, and cannon. 
They only waited the arrival of the sections to proceed to 
action. The presence of their deputies, and the sending of 
municipal commissioners in their midst, had inspired reliance 
on theu- aid. Henriot answered for everything. The con- 
spirators looked for certain victory ; they appointed an executive 
k commission, prepared addresses to the armies, and drew up 

' vanous lists. Half-past midnight, however, arrived, and no 
section had yet appeared, no order had yet been given, the 
taiumvirs were still sitting, and the crowd on the Place de Grive 
became discouraged by this tardiness and indecision. A report 
^ spread in whispers that the sections had declared in favour 
of the convention, that the commune was outlawed, and that 
the troops of the convention were advancing. The eagerness of 
the armed multitude had already abated, when a few emissaries 
of the assembly glided among them, and raijcd the cry, " Vive 
la convention!" Several voices repeated it. They then read 
the proclamation ot outlawry against the commune; and after 
hearing it, the whole crowd dispersed. The Place de GrAve was 
deserted in a moment. Henriot came down a few minutes 
after, sabre in hand, to excite their courage; but finding no 
one: " What! " cried he; "is it possible? Those rascals of 
cannoneers, who saved my life five hours ago, now forsake me." 
He went up again. At that moment, the columns of the con- 
vention arrived, surrounded the Hotel de Ville, silently took 
possession of all its outlets, and then shouted, " Vive la con- 
vention nationale ! " 
The conspirators, finding they were lost, sought to escape the 



Execution of Robespierre 24 1 

vkfcnce of their enemies. A gendarme named MMa, who 
first entered the room where the conspirators were assembled, 
fired a pistol at Robespierre and shattered his jaw; Lebas 
wounied himself fatally; Robespierre the younger jumped from 
a wmoow on the third story, and survived his fall; Couthon hid 
hrnisell under a table; Saint- Just awaited his fate; Coffinhal 
after reproachmg Henriot with cowardice, threw him from a 
window into a drain and fied. Meantime, the conventionalists 
penetrated into the Hdtel de Ville, traversed the desolate halls 
seized the conspirators, and carried them in triumph to the 
assembly. Bourdon entered the hall crying " Victors- ! victory ' 
the traitors are no morel" "The wretched Robisspierre is 
there, said the president; " they are bringing him on a litter. 
Doubtless you would not have him brought in." " No' no! " 
they cried; " carry him to the Place de la Revolution! " He 
was deposited for some time at the committee of general safety 
before he wm transferred to the Conciergerie ; and here, stretched 
on a table, his face disfigured and bloody, exposed to the looks, 
the mvectives, the curses of aU, he beheld the various parties 
exulting m his fall, and charging upon him all the crimes that 
had been committed. He dispUyed much insensibility during 
his last moments. He was taken to the Conciergerie, and after- 
wards appeared before the revolutionary tribunal, which, after 
identifymg hun and his accomplices, sent them to the scaffold. 
On Uie loth Thermidor, about five in the evening, he ascended 
the death cart placed between Henriot and Couthon, mutilated 
take himself. His head was enveloped in linen saturated with 
piood; his face was livid, his eyes ahnost visionless An 
immense crowd thronged around the cart, manifesting the most 
boisterous and exulting joy. They congratulated and embraced 
each other, loadmg him with imprecations, and pressed near 
to view him more closely. The gendarmes pointed him out with 
Uieir sabres. As to him, he seemed to regard the crowd with 
contemptuous pity; Saint-Just looked calmlv at them; the rest 
m number twenty-two, were dejected. Robespierre ascended 
the scaffold last; when his head fell, shouts of applause arose 
in the air, and lasted for some minutes. 

With him ended the reign of terror, although he was not the 
most zealous advocate of that system in his party. If he sought 
tor supremacy, after obtaining it, he would have employed 
moderation; and the reign of terror, which ceased at his fall, 
would also have ceased with his triumph. I regard his ruin to 
nave been mevitable; he had no organized force; his partisans 



242 



The French Revolution 



thou^ numerous, were not enrolled; his instrument was the 
force of opinion and of terror; accordingly, not being able to 
surprise hu foes by a strong hand, after the fashion of uronwell, 
he sought to intimidate them. Terror not succeeding, h« tried 
insurrection. But as the convention with the support of the 
committees had become courageous, so the sections, relying on 
the courage of the convention, would naturally dechue against 
the insurgents. By attacking the government, he aroused 
the assembly; by arousing the assembly, he aroused the people, 
and this coalition necessarily ruined him. The convention on 
the 9th of Thermidor was no longer, as on the 31st of Hay, 
divided, undecided, opposed to a comiMct, numerous, and daring 
faction. All parties were united by defeat, misfortune, and the 
proscription ever threatening them, and would naturally co- 
operate in the event of a struggle. It did not, therefore, depend 
on Robespierre himself to escape defeat; and it was not in his 
power to secede from the committees. In the position to which 
he had attained, one is consumed by one's t^ions, deceived 
by hopes and by fortune, hitherto good; and when once the 
scaffolds have betn erected, justice and clemency are as im- 
possible as peace, tranquillity, and the dispensing of power when 
war is declared. One must then fall by the means by which 
one has arisen; the man of faction must perish by the scaffold, 
as conquerors by war. 



Opposition Parties 243 



CHAPTER X 

F«OM THE 9TH THKRMIDOIl TO THE 1ST PKAIRIAL, YKAR III. (aoTH 
"AV, 1795). KPOCH OF THB RISE AND FAtl OF THE DEMO- 
CRATIC PARTY 

The 9tli of Thennidor was the first day of the revolution in which 
those fell who attacked. This indication alone manifested that 
the ascendant revolutionary movement had reached its term. 
From that day the contrary movement necessarily began. The 
{general rising of all parties against one man was calculated to 
'^ut an end to the compression under which they laboured. In 
lobespierre the committees subdued each other, and the 
lecemviral government lost the prestige of terror which had 
instituted its strength. The committees liberated the con- 
/ention, which gradually liberated the entire republic. Yet 
:hey thought they had been working for themselves, and for the 
irolongation of the revolutionary government, while the greater 
lart of those who had supported them had for their object the 
overthrow of the dictatorship, the independence of the assembly, 
and the establishment of legal order. From the day after the 
9th of Thermidor there were, therefore, two opposite parties 
among the conquerors, that of the committees, and that of the 
Mountain, which was called the Thermidorian party. 

The former was deprived of half its forces; besides the loss 
of its chief, it no longer had the commune, whose insurgent 
members, to the number of seventy-two, had been sent to the 
scaffold, and, which, after its double defeat under Hubert and 
under Robespierre, was not again re-organized, and remained 
without direct influence. But this party retained the direction 
of affairs through the conunittees. All its members were 
attached to the revolutionary system; some, such as Billaud- 
Varennes, CoUot-d'Herbois, Barr4re, Vadier, Amar, saw it was 
Aeir only safety; others, such as Camot, Cambon, the two 
Prieurs, de la Mame, and de la C6te-d'0r, etc., feared the counter- 
revolution, and the punishment of their colleagues. In the 
convention it reckoned all the commissioners hitherto sent on 
missions, several of the Mountain who had signalized them- 
selves on the 9th Thermidor, and the remnant of Robespierre's 



244 



The French Revolution 



p«rty. Without, the Jacobins were attached to it; and it itSU 
had the support of the taubourgs and of the lower claii. 

The Thermidorian party was composed of the greater number 
of the conventionalists. All the centre of the assembly, and 
what remained of the Right, joined the Mountain, who had 
abated their former exaggeration of views. The coalition of 
the Moderates, Boissy dVAnglas, Sieyis, Cambaciris, Chteier, 
Thibeaudeau, with the Dantonists, Tallien, Friron, Legendre, 
Barras, Buordon de I'Oise, Rovire, Bentabole, Dumont, and 
the two Merlins, entirely changed the character of the assembly. 
After the 9th of Thermidor, the first step of this party was to 
secure its empire in the convention. Soon it found its way into 
the government, and succeeded in excluding the previous occu- 
pants. Sustained by public opinion, by the assembly, by the 
committees, it advanced openly towards its object ; it proceeded 
against the principal decemvirs, and some of their agents. As 
these had many partisans in Paris, it sought the aid of the young 
men against the Jacobins, of the sections against the faubourgs. 
At the same time, to strengthen it, it recalled to the assembly 
all the deputies whom the committee of public safety had pro- 
scribed; first, the seventy-three who had protested against the 
31st of May, and then the surviving victims of that day them- 
selves. The Jacobins exhibited excitement: it closed their 
club; the faubourgs raised an insurrection: it disarmed them. 
After overthrowing the revolutionary government, it directed 
its attention to the establishment of another, and to the intro- 
duction, under the constitution of the year III., of a feasible, 
liberal, regular, and stable order of things, in place of the 
extraordinary and provisional state in which the convention 
had been from its commencement until then. But all this was 
accomplished gradually. 

The two parties were not long before they began to difier, 
after their common victory. The revolutionary tribunal was 
an especial object of general horror. On the nth Theimidor 
it was suspended; but Billaud-Varennes, in the sam,e sitting, 
had the decree of suspension rescinded. He maintained that 
the accomplices of Robespierrs alone were guilty, that the 
majority of the judges and jurors being men of integrity, it 
was desirable to retain them in their offices. Barrire presented 
a decree to that effect: he urged that the triumvirs had done 
nothing for the revolutionary government; that they had often 
even opposed its measures ; that their only care had been to place 
their creatures in it, and to give it a direction favourable to their 



Reactionary Measures 



I 

''I 



»4S 

mm project*; he insisted, in order to strengthen that govern- 
ment., upon reuining the Uw dts sutpteU and the tribunal, with 
its existing members, including Fouquier-TinviUe. At this name 
a general murmur rose in the assembly. Friron, rendering 
himself the organ of the general indignation, exclaimed: I 
demand that at last the earth be delivered from that monster, 
and that Fouquier be sent to hell, there to wallow in the blood 
he has shed." Hi» proposition was applauded, and Fouquier s 
accusation decreed. Barrire, however, did not regard hims' ' i' 
defeated; he still retained toward the convention the imfwnoi'j 
language which the old committee had made use of with ■ ■ e^;, -, 
this was at once habit and calculation on his part; frr h . wc.i 
knew that nothing is so easily continued as that which 1 .u. b.;en 

successful. . . „ , J w 

But the political tergiversations of Barrire, a m n ot i. .ot 
birth, and who was a royalist Feuillant before >". ioil> t>f 
August, did not countenance his assuming this unpt-nou' iiml 
inflexible tone. "Who is this president of the FeuillauicV 
said Merlin de Thionville, " who assumes to dictate to us tl 
law?" The hall resounded with applause. Barrire became 
confused, left the tribune, and this first check of the committees 
indicated their decline in the convention. The revolutionwy 
tribunal continued to exist, but with other members and another 
organization. The law of the a»nd Prairial was abolished, and 
there were now as much deliberation and moderation, as many 
protecting forms in trials, as before there had been precipitotion 
and inhumanity. This tribunal was no longer made use of 
against persons formerly suspected, who were still detained m 
prison, though under milder treatment, and who, by degrees, 
were restored to liberty on the plan proposed by Camille Des- 
moulins for his Committee of Qemency. 

On the 13th of Thermidor the government itself became the 
subject of discussion. The committee of public safety was 
deficient in many members; Hirault de Sichelles had never 
been replaced; Jean-Bon-Saint-Andr^ and Prieur de la Mame 
were on missions; Robespierre, Couthon, and Saint- Just had 
perished on the scaffold. In the places of these were appomted 
Tallien, Brdard, Echassiriaux, Treilhard, Thuriot, and Laloi, 
whose accession lessened still more the influence of the old 
members. At the same time, were reorganized the two com- 
mittees, so as to render them more dependent on the assembly, 
and less so on one another. The committee of public safety 
was charged with military and diplomatic operations; that of 



240 



The French Revolution 



general safety with internal administration. As it was desired, 
by limiting the revolutionary power, to catei the fever which 
had excited the multitude, and gradually to disperse them, the 
daily meetings of the sections were reduced to one in every ten 
da5rs; and the pay of forty sous a day, lately given to every 
indigent citizen who attended them, was discontinued. 

_ These measures being carried into effect, on the nth of Fruc- 
tidor, one month after the death of Robespierre, Lecointre of 
Versailles denounced Billaud, CoUot, BarrAre, of the committee 
of public safety; and Vadier, Amar, and Vouland, of the 
committee of general safety. The evening before, Tallien had 
vehemently assailed the reign of terror, and Lecointre was 
encouraged to his attack by the sensation which Tallien's 
speech had produced. He brought twenty-three charges against 
the accused; he imputed to them all the measures of cruelty 
or tyranny which they threw on the triumvirs, and called 
them the successors of Robespierre. This denunciation agitated 
the assembly, and more especially those who supported the 
committees, or who wished that divisions might cease in the 
republic. " If the crimes Lecointre reproaches us with were 
proved," said Billaud- Varennes — " if they were as real as they 
are absurd and chimerical, there is, d->ubtless, not one of us 
but would deserve to lose his head on Uie scaffold. But I defy 
lecointre to prove, by documents or any evidence worthy of 
belief, any of the facts he has charged us with." He repelled 
the charges brought against him by Lecointre; he reproached 
his enemies with being corrupt and intriguing men, who wished 
to sacrifice him to the memory of Danton, an odio"! conspirator, 
the hope of all parricidal factions. " What seek these men," 
he continued — " what seek these men who call us the successors 
of Robespierre? Citizens, know you what they seek? To 
destroy liberty on the tomb of the tyrant." Lecointre's denuncia- 
tion wsis premature; almost all the convention pronounced it 
calumnious. The accused and their friends gave way to out- 
bursts of unrestrained and still powerful indignation, for they 
were now attacked for the first time; the accuser, scarcely 
supported by any one, was silenced. Billaud-Varennes and his 
friends triumphed for the time. 

A few days aftei, the period for renewing a third of the com- 
mittee arrived. The following members were fixed on by lot 
to retire: BarrAre, Camot, Robert Lindet, in the committee 
of public safety; Vadier, Vouland, Moise Baile in the committee 
of general safety. They were replaced by Thermidorians; and 



Lebon's Excesses 



247 



Cbllot d'Herbois, as well as Billaud-Varennes, finding themselves 
too weak, resigned. Another circumstance contributed still 
more to the fall of their party, by exciting public opinion against 
it; this was the publicity given to the crmies of Joseph Lebon 
and Carrier, two of the proconsuls of the committee. They had 
been sent, the one to Airas and to Cambrai, the frontier exposed 
to invasion; the other to Nantes, the limit of the Vend^an war. 
They had signalized their mission by, beyond all others, dis- 
playing a cruelty and a caprice of tyranny, which are, however, 
generally found in those who are invested with supreme human 
power. Lebon, young and of a weak constitution, was naturally 
mild. On a first mission, he had been humane; but he was 
censured for this by the conunittee, and sent to Arras, with 
orders to show himself sonuwhal more revolutionary. Not to 
fall short of the inexorable policy of the committee, he gave 
way to unheard of excesses; he mingled debauchery with 
extermination; he had the guillotine always in his presence, 
and called it holy. He associated with the executioner, and 
admitted him to his table. Carrier, having more victims to 
strike, surpassed even Lebon; he was bilious, fanatical, and 
naturally blood-thirsty. He had only awaited the opportunity 
to execute enormities that the imagination even of Marat 
would not have dared to conceive. Sent to the borders of an 
insurgent country, he condemned to death the whole hostile 
population — priests, women, children, old men, and girls. As 
the scaffold did not suffice for his cruelty, he substituted a 
company of assassins, called Marat's company, for the revolu- 
tionary tribune, and, for the guillotine, boats, with false bottoms, 
by means of which he drowned his victims in the Loire. Cries 
of vengeance and justice were raised against these enormities. 
After the 9th of TTiermidor, Lebon was attacked first, because 
he was more especially the agent of Robespierre. Carrier, 
who was that of the committee of public safety, and of whose 
conduct Robespierre had disapproved, was prosecuted subse- 
quently. 

There were in the prisons of Paris ninety-four people of 
Nantes, sincerely attached to the revolution, and who had 
defended their town with courage during the attack made on it 
by the Vend^ans. Carrier had sent them to Paris as federalists. 
It had not been deemed safe to bring them before the revolu- 
tionary tribunal until the ninth of Thermidor; they were then 
taken there for the purpose of unmasking, by their trial, the 
crimes of Carrier. They were tried purposely with prolonged 



J<l 



248 



The French Revolution 



solemnity; their trial lasted nearly a month; there was time 
given for public opinion to declare itself; and on their acquittal, 
there was a general demand for justice on the revolutionary 
committee of Nances, and on the proconsul Carrier. Legendre 
renewed Lecointre's impeachment of Billaud, Barrire, Collot, 
and Vadier, who were generously defended by Camot, Prieur, 
and Cambon, their former colleagues, who demanded to share 
their fate. Lecointre's motion was not attended with any 
result; and, for the present, they only brought to trial the 
members of the revolutionary committee of Nantes; but we 
may observe the progress of the Thermidorian party. This 
time the members of the committee were obliged to have 
recourse to defence, and the convention simply passed to the 
order of the day, on the question of the denunciation made by 
Legendre, without voting it calumnious, as they had done that 
of Lecointre. 

The revolutionary democrats were, however, still very power- 
ful in Paris: if they had lost the commune, the tribunal, the 
convention, and the committee, they yet retained the Jacobins 
and the faubourgs. It was in these popular societies that 
their party concentrated, especially for the purpose of defending 
themselves. Carrier attended them assiduously, and invoked 
their assistance; Billaud-Varennes, and CoUot-d'Herbois also 
resorted to them; but these being somewhat less threatened 
were circumspect. They were accordingly censured for their 
silence. " The lion sleeps," replied Billaud-Varennes, " but 
his waking mill be terrible." This club had been expurgated 
after the loth Thermidor, and it had congratulated the con- 
vention in the name of the regenerated societies, on the fall 
of Robespierre and of tyranny. About this time, as many of 
its leaders were proceeded against, and many Jacobins were 
imprisoned in the departments, it came in the name of the 
united societies " to give utterance to the cry of grief that resounded 
from every part of the republic, and to the voice of oppressed patriots, 
plunged in the dungeons which the aristocrats had just left." 

The convention, far from yielding to the Jacobins, prohibited, 
for the purpose of destroying thier influence, all collective 
petitions, branch-associations, correspondence, etc., between 
the parent society and its off-sets, and in this way disorganized 
the famous confederation of the clubs. The Jacobins, rejected 
from Uie convention, began to agitate Paris, where they were 
still masters. Then the Thermidoriam; also began to convoke 
their people, by appealing to the support of the sections. At 



The Thermidorians 



249 



the same time Frft-on called the young men at arms, in his 
journal I'Orateui du Peuple, and placed himself at their head. 
This new and irregular militia called itself La jeunesse dorie de 
Friroti. All those who composed it belonged to the rich and 
the middle class; they had adopted a particular costume, called 
Costume d la victime. Instead of the blouse of the Jacobins, 
they wore a square open coat and very low shoes; the hair, 
long at the sides, was turned up behind, with tresses called 
cttdenetUs ; they were armed with short sticks, leadened and 
formed like bludgeons. Some of these young men and some of 
the sectionaries were royalists; others followed the i-'niiV.c of 
the moment, which was anti-revolutionary. The latter acted 
without object or ambition, declaring in favour of the strongest 
party, especially when the triumph of that party promised to 
restore order, the want of which was generally felt. The other 
contended under the Thermidorians against the old committees, 
as Ae Thermidorians had contended under the old committees 
against Robespierre; it waited for an opportunity of acting on 
Its own account, which occurred after the entire downfall of the 
revolutionary party. In the violent situation of the two parties, 
actuated by fear and resentment, they pursued each other 
ruthlessly and often came to blows in the streets to the cry of 
" Vive le Montagne 1 " or " Vive la Convention ! " The jeunesse 
iorie were powerful in the Palais Royal, where they were sup- 
ported by the shopkeepers; but the Jacobins were the strongest 
in the garden of the Tuileries, which was near their club. 

These quarrels became more animated every day; and Paris 
was transformed into a field of battle, where the fate of the 
parties was left to the decision of arms. This state of war and 
disorder would necessarily have an end; and since the parties 
had not the wisdom to come to an understanding, one or the 
other must inevitably carry the day. The Thermidorians were 
the growing party, and victory naturally fell to them. On the day 
following that on which Billaud had spoken of the waking of 
the lion in the popular society, there was great agitation through- 
out Paris. It was wished to take the Jacobin club by assault. 
Men shouted in the streets—" The great Jacobin conspiracy! 
Outlaw the Jacobins 1 " At this period the revolutionary com- 
mittee of Nantes were being tried. In their defence they 
pleaded that they had received from Carrier the sanguinary 
orders they had executed ; which led the ronvention to enter into 
an examination of his conduct. Carrier was allowed to defenu 
himself before the decree was passed against him. He justified 



I 250 The French Revolution 

his cruelty by the cruelty of the Vendians, and the maddening 
fury of civil war. " When I acted," he said, " the air stiH 
seemed to resound with the civic songs of twenty thoosand 
martyrs, who had shouted ' Vive ta republique! ' in the nudst 
of tortures. How could the voice of humamty, which had died 
in this terrible crisis, be heard? What would my adversaries 
have done in my place? I saved the republic at Nantes; my 
life has been devoted to my country, and I am ready to die 
for it " Out of five hundred voters, four hundred and nmety- 
eight were for the impeachment; the other two voted for it, but 
conditionally. , 

The Jacobins finding their opponents were going from suD- 
ordinate agents to the representatives themselves, regarded 
themselves as lost. They endeavoured to rouse the multitude, 
less to defend Carrier than for the support of their party, which 
was threatened more and more. But they were kept in check 
by the jeunesse doree and the sectionanes, who eventually pro- 
ceeded to the place of their sittings to dissolve the club. A sMrp 
conflict ensued. Tlie besiegers broke the windows with stcors, 
forced the doors, and dispersed the Jacobins after some resistance 
on their part. The latter complained to the convention of mt 
violence. Rewbell, deputed to make a report on the subject, 
was not favourable to them. " Where was tyranny organized ? 
said he " At the Jacobin dub. Where had it its su^Kirts 
and its satellites? At the Jacobin club. Who covered France 
with mourning, threw families into despair, filled the republic 
with bastilles, made the repubhcan system so odious, that a 
slave laden with fetters would have refused to live under it? 
Ihe Jacobins. Who regret the terrible reign we have hved 
under? The Jacobins. If you have not courage to decide m a 
moment Uke this, the republic is at an end, because you have 
Jacobins." The convention suspended them provisionaUy, m 
order to expurgate and reorganize them, not danng to destroy 
them at once. The Jacobins, setting the decree at defiance, 
assembled in arms at their usual place of meetmg; the Thermi- 
dorian troop who had already besieged them there, came again 
to assail them. It surrounded the club with cries of Long 
live the convention! Down with the Jacobins! " The latter 
prepared for defence; they left their seats, shouting, Long 
live the republic ! " rushed to the doors, and attempted a sortie. 
At first thev made a few prisoners ; but soon yieldmg to superior 
numbers, they submitted, and traversed the ranks of the victors, 
who, after disarming them, covered them with hisses, insults, 



The Jaccbins Cease to Exist 25 1 

and even blows. Iliese ilrgil expeditions were accompanied 
by all the excesses which attend party struggles. 

The next day commissioaers of the convention came to close 
the club, and put seals m its registers and papers, and from 
tfcat moment the society ol the Jacobins ceased to exist. This 
popular body had powerfully served the revolution, when, in 
order to repel Europe, it was necessary to place the government 
in the multitude, and to give the republic all the energy of 
defence; but now it rarfy obstructed the progress of the new 
order of things. 

The situation of affairs was changed; liberty was to succeed 
the dictatorship, now that the salvation of the revolution had 
been effected, and that it was necessary to revert to legal 
order, in order to preserve it. An exorbitant and extraordinary 
powCT, like the confederation of the clubs, would necessarily 
termiittte with the defeat of the party which had supported it, 
and that party itself expire with the circumstances which had 
given it riae. 

Carrier, broo^t before the revolutionary tribunal, was tiied 
without inte-TuptioQ, and condemned with the majority of 
his accomplices. During tlie trial, the seventy-three deputies, 
whose protest against the 31st of May had excluded them from 
the assemblies, were reinstated. Merlin de Douai moved their 
recall in the name of the comaittee at public safety; his motion 
wa« received with appfataae, an^ the seventy-three resumed 
their seats in the convention. The seventy-three, in their 
t«m, tried to obtain the return of the outlawed deputies; but 
4ey met with warm opposition. The Thermidorians and the 
members o< the new committees feared that such a measure 
wo<4d be calling the revolution itself into question. They were 
afco ^att of introducing; a new party into the convention, 
ahead y <bvided, and of recalling implacable enemies, who 
might cause, with regard to themselves, a reaction similar to 
that igiach nad taken place against the old committees. Ac- 
cordingly they vehemently opposed the motion, and Meriin de 
Douai went »// Ut as to say: " Do you want to throw open the 
doors of the Temple? " The young son of Louis XVI. was 
confined there, and the Girondists, on account of the results of 
the 31st of May, were coafounded with the Royalists; besides, 
the 31st of May still figured among the revolutionary dates 
beside the loth of August and the 14th of July. The retrograde 
movement had yet some steps to take before it reached that 
period. The republican counter-revolution had turned back 



252 



The French Revolution 



« 



from the gth Thennidor, 1794, to the 3rd of October, 1793, the 
day on which the seventy-thiee had been arrested, but not to 
the ind of June, 1793, when the twenty-two were arrested. 
After ortrthroiwing RobetpierTe, and the committee, it had to 
attack Marat and the Mountam. la the almost geometrical 
progression of pofiular movement, a few months were still 
necessary to effect tlm. 

They went on to abolish the decemviral system. The decree 
against the priet'..~ and nobles, who had formed two proscribed 
classes under the reign of terror, was revoked; the maximum 
was abolished, in order to restore confidence by putting an 
end to commercial tyranny; the general and earnest effort 
was to substitute the most elevated liberty for the despotic 
pressure of the committee of public safety. This period was 
ako marked by the independence of the press, the restoration of 
religiotts worship, and the return of the property confiscated 
from the federalists during the reign of the committees. 

Here was a complete reaction against the revolutionary 
government ; it soon reached Marat and the Mountain. After the 
9th of Thermidor, it had been considered necessary to oppose 
a great revolutionary reputation to that of Robespierre, and 
Marat had been selected for this purpose. To him were decreed 
the honours of the Panthion, which Robespierre, while in power, 
had deferred granting him. He, in his turn, was now attacked. 
His bust was in the convention, the theatres, on the public 
squares, and in the popular assemblies. The jeunesse doree 
broke that in the Thifitre Feydeau. The Mountain complained, 
but the convention decreed that no citizen could obtain the 
honours of the Panthten, nor his bust be placed in the convention, 
until he had been dead ten years. The bust of Marat disap- 
peared from the hall of the convention, and as the excitement 
was very great in the faubourgs, the sections, the usual support 
of the assembly, defiled through it. There was, also, opposite 
the Invalides, an elevated mound, a Mounta'<., surmounted 
by a colossal group, representing Hercules '•1 ashing a hydra. 
Ti>e section of the Halle-au-bl6 demanded thai this should be 
removed. The left of the assembly murmured. " The giant," 
said a member, " is an emblem of the people." " All I see in it 
is a moimtain," replied another, " and what is a Mountain but 
an eternal protest against equality." These words were much 
applauded, and sufficed to carry the petition and overthrow 
the monument of the victory and domiiution of a party. 

Next were recalled the proscribed conventionalists; already, 



1793, tl»e 
ut not to 
arrested, 
it had to 
ometrical 
irare still 

he decree 
iTOscribed 
maximum 
itting an 
est effort 

despotic 
:riod was 
oration of 
>nfiscated 
ees. 

ilutionary 
After the 
to oppose 
ierre, and 
■e decreed 
in power, 
attacked, 
he public 
fsse doree 
mplained, 
btain the 
invention, 
rat disap- 
xcitement 
il support 
, opposite 
rmounted 

a hydra, 
should be 
lie giant," 
I see in it 
intain but 
rere much 
jverthrow 
rty. 
; already, 



Return of the Girondists 253 

some time since, their outlawry had been reversed. Isnaid 
«d Louvet wrote to the assembly to be reinstated in A^ 

rf^' ,.^7„nr "** ^ u**. °''J'=*'°" « t° ^ consequences 
^I^II^n^" ^^^'r^^- *" '"^"""rtions of the departments. 
1 wiu not, said Chtoier, who spoke in their favour " I wiU 
not so insult the national convention as to bring befire ttein 
'titT7- °' '*^"'J'»'?. 'hich has been ^re^^ro^" 
made the chief charge against your coUeagues. They fled it 

would that this, for the welfare of the republic, had been the 
crmie of all! Why were there not caveVns diep en^gh tS 
preserve to the country the meditations of CoSdorS^^ the 

oLThe"':o?h ^'^'"h"' '^'^'^ "°* ''^^ hospitabTe Jid! 
on the loth Thermidor, give back to light that colonv of 
energetic patriots and virtuous republicans? But pjo ecte o 
vengeance are apprehended from these men, soured by mis 
fortune. Taught in the school of suffering, they have leS^t 
ody to lament human errors. No, no, cindorcet, RaS 
^kV'ki!^^"?"'*"'^' ^-»^"''' Desmoulins seek not hSo- 
ZS °* ^'t '.''"' """'^ "^ "°t " be appeased by hec^ 
ir,^.. I Left opposed Chinier's motion. " You^ 
m.^1' .^^ Bentabole, "to rouse every passion; if y^ 
attack the insurrection of the 31st of May,>ou attadc th^ 
6«hty thousand men who concurred in it/' ^" Let^tlke 
rare, replied Sieyis, "not to confound the work of tyrannv 
with that of principles. When men, supported by a subordkate 
uApnty, the rival of ours, succeeded in organizing he^^at^t 
f mmes on the fatal 31st of May, and ^nd of June, it ^ nS 
i^ * P*'"°t'«'»' but an outrage of tyranny;' from thS 
iBK you have seen the convention domineered over, Ae 
Majority oppressed, the minority dictating laws. The present 

T7J\t"'^'^ '"*° '•'"^ '*'^''"« P'^ds; till thTrm 
L^^'.^lt '''^oppression of the convention by the 
^opie, till the 9th Thermidor, oppression of the peoole bv 
h Z"T^' ""5" **?' '^^'' oftyr^r^r, and las^sinc^ 
»^e 9th of TTiermidor, justice, as regards the convention has 

lembers, as a pledge of umon in the assembly, and of security 
e u™ in'?he n- ^"}'\^'' °°"?' i°™ediatei; proposed thek 
^J A T"* °^^^ committee of public safe^ it was 
tr^ted and after eighteen months' pros^ption, the twenT^ 

"TO conventionahsts resumed their seats; kmong them were 
Isnard, Louvet, Lanjumais, Kervelegan, Henri La Rivifre 



254 The French Revolution 

La R«yeai4re-Wpaux, and Lesage, all that remained of the 
briUiant but unfortunate Gironde. They joined the moderate 
party^ which was compcMcd daily mote and more of the remaini 
of different parties. For old enemies, forgetting their resent- 
BMnts and their contest for domination, because they had now 
tte same mterests and the same object, became allies. It was 
the comcH icement of pacification between those who wished 
for a repuDdc ajgamsl; the royalists, and a practicable constitu- 
tion, m opi' .t?on to the revolutionisu. At this period all 
measures , g r-n the federalists were rescinded, and the Giron- 
diste assL v-u the lead of the republican counter-revolution. 

The cor.vention was, hiwever, carried much too far by the 
partisans of reaction; in lU desire to repair all and to punish 
all, It fell mto excesses of justice. After the aboUtion of the 
decemviral regime, the past should have been buried in oblivion 
and die revolutionary abyss closed after a few expiatory victims' 
had been thrown mto it. Security alone brings about pacifica- 
tion; and pacification only admits of liberty. By again enterine 
upon a course characterized by passion, they only effected a 
teansference of tyranny, violence, and calamity. Hitherto the 
bourgeoisie had been sacrificed to the multitude, to the consumers 
now It was just the reverse. Stock-jobbing was substituted for 
the maxtmum, and informers of the middle class altogether 
surpMsed the popular informers. All who had taken part in 
the dictotorial government were proceeded against with the 
farcest determination. The sections, the seat of the middle 
class, required the disarming and punishment of the members 
of then- revolutionary committees, composed of sans-culottes. 
There was a general hue and cry against the terrorists, who 
increased m number daily. The departments denounced all 
the former proconsuls, thus rendering desperate a numerous 
party, m reaUty no longer to be feared, since it had lost all 
power, by thus threatening it with great and perpetual 
reprisals. 

Dread of proscription, and several other reasons, disposed 
them for revolt. The general want was terrible. Labour and 
Its produce had been diminished ever since the revolutionary 
period, during which the rich had been imprisoned and the poor 
had governed; the suppression of the maximum had occasioned 
a violent crisis, which the traders and farmers turned to account, 
by disastrois monopoly and jobbing. To increase the difficulty, 
the assignats were falling into discredit, and their value dimin- 
lahed daily. More than eight milliards worth of them had been 



Return of the Girondists 255 

i«ued. The inseairity of this paper money, by reason of the 
revolutionary crofbcations, which Iwd depreciat^lS^^timSj 
property, the want of confidence on the ^oittrL^^ 
t'i«J«nj«". «c., in the stability of the revoKarveoTr™' 

was hoarded up with all the greater care, inToL^n to th! 
moeasmg demand for it, and the depreciation^?K mone^ 
e^nlZn' Jh '^'^\1 '~^' *"'' ^">°'" *^' meanTofbuS' 
atSb^^d thU^. "i^^ '^''^^''' **'■'' '" "'»«' distress/ They 

Xr Jlri^^o.^ *^„%r"=*"^'^' '^'^ f*™""' the landed a^^ 
omer proprietors, to the government, and dwelt with r»mt 

Tv h^H '"'• "''.' ^'2"' ""''" *= committeeTf puW c saf«y 
they had enjoyed both power and food. The convention hlrf 
mdeed appomted a committee of subsistena to supply P„^ 
with provisions, but this committee had great diSv^d 
expense in procuring from day to day thVsuDD Iv ^f fifw„ 

She'Se"' h'°" -J^T?"' " 'up'polt tW^Ti^el'S" 
^^l ^?^^' ^^°. "T*^ '" "°'"^» f°^ hou" together before 
i^h^ K "k/''°P'' '" *" P°'"«' °f »"»d b^ad, df tributol to 
each inhabitant, were loud in their complaints, anHSem n 

On the ijth Ventose, a short time after the return of th- 
remammg Girondists, the assembly had deciS 'he ^'t ^ 
Maud-Varennes, Collot-d'Herbois, BarrAre ^VadLr -?Le^ 
^before the convention was appointed to comment on the 
3rd Germinal. On the ist (20th of March, ngT^Tvi,^ 
^L^i'^' "" ^^''^ ""= ^"i"-^ assemble "tLrp.^^ 

oT^«ctiL"„°?tSr;:!"* '^i"- ^^« ^^^^^^ to t^x 

^dev^ / ^ faubourgs Saint Antoine and Saint Mwcew 

^dSr^rhV " "^ J'?''?^ ^"' ''^^ to Iiberat?SSr 

d^' rf tl^e in"""'"' •"'^' '°"°"^'' ^y "•"'"' five thousand 
citizens of the mner sections, came, dispersed the men of the 



356 



The French Revolution 



"l 



fMibourra, and acted m a guard for the asiembly. The latter, 
warned by this new danger, revived, on the motion of Sieyis, 
the old martial law, under the name of lot d* paiti* polict. 

Thii rising in favour of the accused having failed, they were 
brought before the convention on the 3rd Germinal. Vadier 
alone was contumacious. Their conduct was investigated with 
the greatest solemnity; they were charged with having tyran- 
nized over the people and oppressed the convention. Though 
proofs were not wanting to support this charge, the accused 
defended themselves with much address. They ascribed to 
Robespierre the oppression of the assembly, and of themselves; 
they endeavoured to palliate their own conduct by citing the 
measures taken by the committee, and adopted by the con- 
vention, by urging the excitement of the period, and the necessity 
of securing the defence and safety of the republic. Their 
former colleagues appeared as witnesses in their favour, and 
wished to make common cause with them. The Critois (the 
name then given to the remnant of the Mountain) also sup- 
ported them warmly. Their trial had lasted nine days, and 
each sitting had been occupied by the prosecution and the 
defence. The sections of the faubourgs were greatly excited. 
The mobs which had collected every day since the ist Germinal, 
increased twofold on the lath, and a new rising took place, in 
order to suspend the trial, which the first rising had failed to 
prevent. The agitators, more numerous and bold on this 
occasion, forced tiheir way through the guard of the convention, 
and entered the hall, having written with chalk on their hats 
the words, " Bread," " The constitution of '93," " Liberty 
for the patriots." Many of the deputies of the Crete declared 
in their favour; the other members, astounded at the tumuk 
and disorder of this popular invasion, awaited the arrival of the 
inner sections k\ their deliverance. All debating was at an end. 
The tocsin, which had been removed from the commune after 
its defeat, and placed on the top of the Tuileries, where the 
convention sat, sounded the alarm. The committee ordered 
the drums to beat to arms. In a short time the citizens of the 
nearest sections assembled, marched in arms to assist the con- 
vention, and rescued it a second time. It sentenced the accused, 
whose cause was the pretext for this rising, to transportation, 
and decreed the arrest of seventeen members of the Crete who 
had favoured the insurgents, and might therefore be regarded 
as their accomplices. Among these were Cambon, Ruamps, 
Leonard Bourdon, Thuriot, Chasle, Amar, and Lecointre, who, 



Another Insurrection Organized 257 

f^hl'lr'^ "'i*** ^^"^'"^. ^ "turned to the Mountain 
Onthe following day they, and the persons «ntenced to S 
portation, were conveyed to the castle of Ham 

f.,Z;.*'^"i.V(."^ ""* °' Germinal decided nothing The 
faubourgs had been repulsed, but not conquered and hoth 
power and confidence must be taken from a^rty by a decS 
ttnf i'^H°H'' " " '^'i'^'fy destroyed. After so m^ nu«! 
t.0M decided agamst the democratists, there still remained one 
of the utnjost importance-the constitution. On thi^ewnS 
the ascendancy of the multitude or of the boui^oi^e The 
\^^T °^'^ evolutionary government thenTel back on 
the ™'nf" '^°™Vtution of '93, which presented to therS 
the meajis of resummg the authority they had lost S 
opponente, on the other hand, endeavoured to reola^e it IwT 
constitution which would secure all th/^lj^'to ,hem 
to^'tTZr? "'•#°-'"'"^nt a «ttle more.Td ^vng™' 
to the nuddle class. For a month, both parties were DrenarinJ 

1^" ^TV"^'''- '^ ^'"'itutionTtjM KJ^S 
sanctioned by the people, enjoyed a great t^st.'w^^ ?» „. 
accordingly attacked idth i^lite prSST It" first ^S 
amJants engaged to carry it into execution without rltr" ion 
Mxt they appomted a commission of eleven memb^mo p™' 

wilt f.L ^ •■^5 "^ partisans, at once indiitnant and filled 
^Ithi; ' y?^""^ ■" insurrection to maintain it. TWs w^ 

;tt!jff-?s^„^^^^^^^^^ 
^=^^c?hK;^:fs? 

m^^drXSinTolKyStol^^^^^^^^^^ 
('^^of 'r v'J''^' "''' °' °^8anizatiol'°(5:;te?st ftaS 

abohtion of the revolutionary government, 'the estabfchme^ 
Z leTr"%'T'''".''°" °^ '93. 'he dismissal Mdmes 
the wt™oS ;L°' *" '»?'»eF°vemment, the liberati^ o 
ne patriots, the convocation of the primary assemblies on 



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258 



The French Revolution 



the 2Sth Prairial, the convocation of the legislative assembly, 
destined to replace the convention, on the asth Messidor, and 
the suspension of all authority not emanating from the people. 
They determined on forming a new municipality, to serve as a 
common centre; to seize on the barriers, telegraph, cannon, 
tocsins, drums, and not to rest till they had secured repose, 
happiness, liberty, and means of subsistence for all the French 
nation. They invited the artillery, gendarmes, horse and foot 
soldiers, to join the banners of the people, and marched on the 
convention. 

Meantime, the latter was deliberating on the means of pre- 
venting the insurrection. The daily assemblages occasioned 
by the distribution of bread and the popular excitement, had 
concealed from it the preparations for a great rising, and it 
had taken no steps to prevent it. The committees came in all 
haste to apprise it of its danger; it immediately declared its 
sitting permanent, voted Paris responsible for the safety of the 
representatives of the republic, closed its doors, outlawed all 
the leaders of the mob, summoned the citizens of the sections 
to arms, and appointed as their le^^ders eight commissioners, 
among whom were Legendre, Henri La Riviire, Kervelegan, 
etc. These deputies had scarcely gone, when a loud noise was 
heard without. An outer door had been forced, and numbers 
of women rushed into the galleries, crying, " Bread and the 
constitution of '93!" The convention received them firmly. 
" Your cries," said the president Vernier, " will not alter our 
position; they will not accelerate by one moment the arrival of 
supplies. They will only serve to hinder it." A fearful tumult 
drowned the voice of the president, and interrupted the pro- 
ceedings. The galleries were then cleared; but the insurgents 
of the faubourgs soon reached the inner doors, and finding them 
closed, forced them with hatchets and hammers, and then 
rushed in amidst the convention, 

The hall now became a field of battle. The veterans and 
gendarmes, to whom the guard of the assembly was confided, 
cried, " To arms I " The deputy Auguis, sword in hand, headed 
them, and succeeded in repelling the assailants, and even made 
a few of them prisoners. But the insurgents, more numerous, 
returned to the charge, and again rushed into the house. The 
deputy Firaud entered precipitately, pursued by the insurgents, 
who fired some shots in the house. They took aim at Boissy 
d'Anglas, who was occupying the president's chair, in place 
of Vernier. Firaud ran to the tribune, to shield him with 



Feraud Beheaded 



259 



to body; he was struck at with pikes and sabres, and fell 
dangerously wounded. ' 

hi-TL"^"!^^"'' '^'■^^ed Wm into the lobby, and, mistaking 
hun for Fr^ron, cut off his head, and placed it on a pike. ^ 
„*^ i skirmish, they became masters of the hall. Most 
of the deputies had taken flight. There only remained the 

^A™„.^ ' °^ threat and insult, protested in the name of the 
h^ fs w T'^f *]"" P°P"'^'' ^'°'«"«- They held out to 
,'r ^'.v r'^:?^ ^^ oim^nA-, he bowed respectfully before 

DUt t^e n rn n V-" ^""1 ^"'■' ^^ P'^""« P"'" ^' ^is breast, tO 

put the propositions of the msurgents to the vote; he steadily 
and courageously refused. But the Critois, who approved of the 
msurrection took possession of the bureaii. and of the tribune 
and decreed amidst the applause of the multitude, all the 
arhcles contained in the manifesto of the insurrection. The 
deputy Romme became their organ. They further appointed m 
executive commission, composed of Bourbotte, Duroy%uque^ 
?Z^h""; '^^'^Marne, and a general-in-chief of the Xd 
force, the deputy Soubrany. In this way they prepared forihe 
return of their domination. They decreed ie recaHo their 
mipnsoned colleagues, the dismissal of their enemies, a democrat c 
constitution, the re-establishment of the JacobiJi club But 

1 .hf ."."' *"°"^^ '^ *''*'" *° "^^e "'"n«d the assembly for 
ashort time; it was necessary to conquer the sections, for it 
w^only with these they could really contend there 

Ihe commissioners despatched to the sections had quickly 
gathered them together. The battalions of the Buludes 
muUns, Upellelier, des Piques, de la Fo.laine-GuncU yZ 
were the nearest, soon occupied the Carrousel and its priici^d 

ZZf; ^' ?P''=' °^^«^'" *•>«» underwent a T3' 
Legendre, Kervelegan, and Auguis besieged the insurants 
m their turn, at the head of the sectionSes. At firsffi 
experienced some resistance. But with fixed bayonets they 
soon entered the hall, where the conspirators were still deliber- 
ating and Legendre cried out: " 1„ the name of the law I^er 
armed attzenstomthdraw." TTiey hesitated a mordent, bm 
the arrival of the battalions, now entering at every d(w 
mtimidated them, and they hastened from the halTi^airThe 
disorder of flight. The assembly again became comDlete 

we're «^ed"1n1.' '"'' °' 4"''^^'' ^^e deliCatns 
^uCTnH f i*'" "''^""' *^°P'"<^ '" *e interim were 
annulled, and fourteen representatives, to whom were after- 



26o 



The French Revolution 



wards joined fourteen others, were arrested, for organizing the 
insurrection, or appoving it in their speeches. It was then 
midnight; at five m the morning the prisoners were already 
six leagues from Paris. 

Despite this defeat, the faubourgs did not consider them- 
selves beaten; and the next day they advanced en masse with 
their cannon against the convention. The sections, on their 
side, marched for its defence. The two parties were on the 
point of engaging; the cannons of *he faubourg which were 
mounted on the Place du Carrousel, were directed towards the 
ch&teau, when the assembly sent commissioners to the insur- 
gents. Negotiations were begun. A deputy of the faubourgs, 
admitted to the convention, first repeated the demand made 
the preceding day, adding: " We are resolved to die at the post 
we now occupy, rather than abate our present demands. I 
fear nothing! My name is Saint-I^gier. Vive la Ripublique! 
Vive la Convention! if it is attached to principles, as I believe 
it to be." The deputy was favourably received, and they 
came to friendly terms with the faubourgs, without, however, 
granting them anything positive. The latter having no longer 
a general council cf the commune to support their resolutions, 
nor a commander like Henriot to keep them under arms, till 
their propositions were decreed, went no further. They retired 
after having received an assurance that the convention would 
assiduously attend to the question of provisions, and would 
soon publish the organic laws of the constitution of '93. That 
day showed that immense physical force and a decided object 
are not the only things essential to secure success; leaders 
and an authority to support and direct the insurrection are 
also necessary. The convention was the only remaining legal 
power: the party which it held in favour triumphed. 

Six democratic members of the Mountain, Goujon, Bourbotte, 
Romme, Duroy, Duquesnoy, and Soubrany, were brought before 
a military commission. They behaved firmly, like men fanatic- 
ally devoted to their cause, and ahnost all free from excesses. 
The Prairial movement was the only thing against them; but 
that was sufficient in times of party strife, and they were con- 
demned to death. They all stabbed themselves with the same 
knife, which was transferred from one to the other, exclaiming, 
" Vive la Republique I " Romme, Goujon, and Duquesnoy 
were fortunate enough to wound themselves fatally; the other 
three were conducted to the scaffold in a dying state, but faced 
death with serene countenances. 



The Assembly United 261 

divm?dtm\ti?oten\'h°"«\"?'S!?.°" »•'« '". -"d 
means of ristag ^ event of^uch V' ^"^- '*'" ^ *e 
preceding riot! ocZZTitwtnJ Zr^^"^'' "5^" '^ 
Firaud was discoverpH !.nn^ j V "' ""^ murderer of 

Of his executioraZ'b srce'eTdt' ^s uLVht" V"= '^''^ 
a general outcry against this ltt/.mnl V^' ^'"^ *« 

snKiiS£-£!^^^^^^^^^^ 

it nught yet regain e^r^tTbr X^the'' iX.r'j^''^'' 
mferior class was entirely excluded from^.,: ''^^''^' *•>« 

state, the revolutionary coSees wh^h* government of the 
were destroyed; the Sn^'r^lo^i^^ Ked ^ '"'"'^ 
disarmed; the constitution ot'aT^U -^ '°''" *='« 

abolished; and here the rule of ^^h„f- ''f "' '='^''' »« 

From the 9th'SrL'rdorH '^^S' th^i?'''*'^- ■ 
was treated as the Girondist Da«v h«^K^ ' *''« fountain 
»nd of June to the oth ^em.,H^r^ ^ '*'" ■^^''^^ fr"" 'h' 
were sentenced to delth « S I^^tT^"" °' '> "«"»'^- 
destiny it had imposed I™ the" ■ lor"^' 't ""f T"' 'i'' 

"adr;^^rtj:£'irl°r^^^^^^^^^ 

etc., were tried by I^^Tv'cZl^y trlSrp' ^T"'' ^"''<^«' 
Soubrany, Rom:ie, Gou "L'e S L " mI''' °"™y' 
missbu. They all died Lti, t;"''"**"°y' oy a mihtary com- 

thatallparties^arrth^.tfeXeTb;'^'/'''^ 

or, If you please, by the same n"^E ^r^^T."^"""' 



262 The French Revolution 



CHAPTER XI 

FROM THE 1ST PRAIRIAL (SOTH OF MAY, I795) TO THE 4TH BRU- 
MAIRE (26TH OF OCTOBER), YEAR IV., THE CLOSE OF THE 
CONTENTION 

The exterior prosperity of the revolution chiefly contributed 
to the fall of the dictatorial government and of the Jacobm 
party. The increasing victories of the republic to which they 
had very greatly contributed by their vigorous measures, and 
by their enthusiasm, rendered their power superfluous. The 
committee of public safety, by crushmg with its strong ai.d 
formidable hand the interior of France, had developed resources, 
organized armies, found generals and guided them to victOTies 
which ultimately secured the triumph of the revolution m the face 
of Europe. A prosperous position no longer required the same 
efiorts; its mission was accomplished, the peculiar provmce of 
such a dictatorship being to save a country and a cause, and to 
perish by the very safety it has secured. Internal events have 
mevented our rapidly describing the impulse which the com- 
mittee of public safety gave to the armies after the 3iit of May, 
and the results which it obtained from it. 

The levy en masse that took place m the summei ot 1:^3, 
formed the troops of the Mountain. The leaders of that pMty 
soon selected from the secondary ranks generals belongmg to tM 
Mountain to replace the Girondist generaU. Those generals 
were Jourdan, Pichegru, Hoche, Moreau, Westemi^n, Dugom- 
mier Marceau, Joubert, Kleber, etc. Camot, by his admission 
to the committee of pubUc safety, became mmister of war and 
commander-in-chief of all the republican armies. Instead of 
scattered bodies, acting without concert upon isolated points, 
he proceeded with strong masses, concentrated on one object 
He commenced the practice of a great plan of warfare, which 
he tried with decided success at Watignies, m his ca,pacity ot 
commissioner of the convention. This important victory, at 
which he assisted in person, drove the allied generals, Oairfa^t 
and the prince of Coburg, behind the Sambre, and raised the 
siege of Maubeuge. During the winter of 1793 ?m i794 the 
two armies continued in presence 01 each other without under- 
taking anything. 



Victories of the Republican Armies 263 

Paris, while the F?rch Zv'^J^J^*'"' ^^' ' threatened 
of Belgium, 'rheiiaiiof^^ ^ " projected the conquest 
combiSd in a ver?%e«„';'' ~T'"t' °' ?"'''''= safety wm 
coalition. PichelS^, at htheld V fftv%r«"' ?"«" °' ^ 
anny of the noKh enters H Plln? *'"y. t^iousand men of the 
Scheldt. On hhrlght MorS Ja' ''V'"?^ '^' ""^ »"<1 *e 
men upon Menin ^d^Tumai'^Srs™,^™'^-*!!""'''"'^ 
thousand men, remained .VmJl;. f^""*' =°"ham, with th^y 
riyhtoftheinvid^ra^yi^^ '° ?"stain the extreme 

wTth the army o^^^wS^t^TT^' '''■->«= Jourdan, 
Charleroi by Arlon wd nJnfn t •"■"'? *"* =°'«'^e towards 
The AustUtat^ke° TFknC ^^T^ °^ "^ "°«h. 
surprise in the r4r bTjourZ sol^hT^*^ threatened with a 
on the Somme. ChifJTITjhfT^^^'it'''^ their positions 
selves to be beaten at Pn^, • ^"i* °',^°''' ^'"""l them- 

Pichegru; abS^at ReZ?"v'tSat"?°f'*''S ^^ '^' ^™y "' 
taken Charleroi. The two^frtn^^ °' ^"V''^"' "'''° had just 
the invasion of the NeS,erianl T^r'^ rapidly completed 
back on Antwern and from ^ ^''* "^'o-Dutch army fell 
to Bois-le-Drc?^'rece1 Jw «ntfrf T\^'f^' ^"^ '"m B*eda 

Waal, and fen bacru^^HoTunT'Th'i'lV-^' ""''"^ '^' 
with the same want of success to ;„ ^'"-^ ^ustnans endeavoured 

they were pur.u^ and hS bv tl'/. ""'''"f ^^^ Ma&tricht: 
since its union had takenTenTLnf »!?"'' °' ^°''"^<^' '^hich 
" Meuse, and which dfd not ^! ^l ^^^"^^ °' *he Sambre 
Dumouriez had done but rfm„ .^"" u*'""'^ the Roer, as 
Jourdan made wSf masfe? oVcI J"* ""I '^' ^^'■ 
communicated by his leftv^th tK ■ u ^! *'"' ^o"". and 
Moselle, which hid a^vance^ L I/l ' f *^* """^ "^ the 
and which, conjoinUv v^th hi™ ^°."!1*'^ °' Luxembounj, 

and conceded moveLnt of ™1 ^h'eTlt' S""™^- .^g-^^ 
place, all of them marching towards fheRhe^l' ^ '^''^° 
the time of the defeats tL iTnlf '"e Rhenish frontier. At 

'^ced. Thecommafp^\ o^lfl^^^^^ had been 

of the Rhine the exoeditionrm. ^ employed in the army 

ThecommissionetsSt5stZ'^Lr"""u*° '^ P^h-^X 
■"and to Hoche, m^de terror LT victo^'tif^:^;'"' '^^^ «>■»- 
and g^erals Brunswick and Wur^sS^-e^e Zt' °^ '^l ^^^^ 
from Haguenau on the lines of th™Tlut^r t^f^ f?"? ^nven 
even to maintain that position, ^tJ^Att aTk^lbS^' 



264 



The French Revolution 



I 



Spire and Worms were retaken. The repubUcan troop., 
everywhere victorious occupied Belgium, that ' irt of Holland 
situated on the left of the Meuse, and all the towns on the 
Rhine, except Mayence and Mannheim, which were closely braet. 
The army of the Alps did not make much progress m tha 
campaign. It tried to invade Piedmont, but failed. On the 
Spar^h frontier, the war had commenced under ill auspices . 
thTtwo armies of the eastern and western Fyrenees, few in 
number and badly disciplined, were constantly beaten, one 
had retired under Perpignan, the other under Bayorme. The 
committee of public saf ty turned its attention and efforU but 
tardily on this point, which was not the most dangerous for it. 
But as soon as it had introduced its system, generals, and 
organiration into the two armies, the appearance of things 
clmnged. Dugommier, after repeated successes, drove the 
Spaniards from the French territory, and entered the penmsuta 
bv Catalonia. Moncey also invaded it by the valley of Bastan, 
the other opening of the Pyrenees, and became master of 
San Sebastian and Fontarabia. The coalition was everywhere 
conquered, and some of the confederated powers began to repent 
of their over-confident adhesion. ^u Tu.^-.A^r 

In the meantime, news of the revolution of the 9th Themidor 
reached the armies. They were entirely republican, and they 
feared that Robespierre's fall would lead to that of the popular 
government; and they, accordingly, received this intelligence 
with marked disapprobation; but, as the armies were submissive 
to the civU authority, none of them rebeUed The insurrections 
of the army only took place from the 14th of July to the 31st of 
May; because, being the refuge of the conquered partira, their 
leaders had at every crisis the advantage of pohtical precedence, 
and contended with all the ardour of compromised factions. 
Under the committee of public safety, on the contrary, the most 
renowned generals had no political influence, and were subject 
to the terrible discipline of parties. While occasionally thwartmg 
the generals, the convention had no difficulty m keepmg the 
armies in obedience. . 

A short time afterwards the movement of mvasion was pro- 
longed in Holland and in the Spanish penmsula. The united 
Provinces were attacked in the middle of wmter, and on several 
sides by Pichegru, who summoned the Dutch patriote to 
liberty The party opposed to the stadtholderate seconded the 
victorious efforts of the French army, and the revolution and 
conquest took place simultaneously at Leyden, Amsterdam, 



The Dutch Republic Constituted 265 

with France, to which U feded ' bv h. tr'T' Vi°" *'"»"=* 
i6th of May, ^^,s. Dutch S,dtsMSh°/ v "?' "' '"* 
their dependencies. The navieatZ if tSruK- ' X*"'""' «"* 
and the Meuse was left free to ^?k .- ^'"*' *•>« Scheldt, 
wealth, powerfully con r Cted tSrd" thT; ?°"""''' ^^ ''^ 
war against the coalition. mr,W,^nt . '""'^'^' "' ">' 
same time deprived the Fn<,li.i!« ""Po"ant conquest at the 
pelled Prussi?, Ihlelt^K the' Cn',''"'^^"' ""<»«»" 
conclude, at Biile, with the Fr..nrh^K,-^'^ ''>' «°"«nd, to 
its reverses and the X „ o^ PolanW'r' " P'"'^'' ^^^ "^ich 
P^sed. A peace was Z made at H long rendered it dis- 
with Spain,\urrmed bv ourn^Lt ^ °" *''* '°th »' July, 

and theXkresrof ^^s^'h^XertaVet'TnnT •^'^'*- 
advancmg into Catalonia- while M„^"' """^ Pe"fnon was 
master of Villa R&J,BiC'aJ^dvi*'°""y' "u'? ^"^"i^ 
Spaniards who had /etir^^e fSe^' oT.^^ r '«?'^' *''* 
cabmet of Madrid demanded neLl A ° "^ ^"'«- The 
Republic, which restor^ itPconauiVT'^^- "•« ^"^^h 
m exchange the portion of 1^ E' '"'' "^'''^ '«<:"ved 
The two disciplined Ir^i^ rf th^S ^'^'^''^. ''^ Spain, 
of the Alps, which by thifni ' s'oTn^*"'* J""*^ ""> a"ny 
enteredltaly-TuscanyonWh^nVr ^ "'"*" ^'^dmont, and 
on the 9th of Febru^^ ""J,^'^'""? ""^^ P^^^e with the republic 

emigrant party. The time harl»^j r ^"K'and and the 
of France the fulcnimrth^ouZ'f °i '"^^^ **>"= '"'^rior 
In 1791, when unanimity exited .S?.".*^'''^ J?"^*™'"*- 
all their hopes in foreign power^ nnw ^- ' ^^ """y^''"' P'«^«J 
the defeat of their alliS ta Eu^'pe ?eft theT'""" ^' ^'"'"^ ^'"' 
corispiracies. Unsuccessful aSpteJ^ we h° ''^"" ''"' " 
make vanquished parties despaS?- WcTo,^ ,^''"' '"".' "=^« 
^.^ervates, and sooner or later^^torT^h^ dSLiroTthTs^ 

haI'dS tt'^Ji^re'voti'^^"* "' *«= J-"'" P^^y, 

period,thereaction,rthl"c:SXrd?T'- ^f*" 
became generally ^yalist The ™!t- ^ °'l*'^'^"*'P"''''<^s, 

still as divided aJ thefh:^ •^n^rtnp::li.^°oTt'^,^^3t:t'i 



266 



The French Revolution 



general to the loth oJ August. In the mtenor, the old constitu- 
tionalists, who had their sittings m the sections, and who con- 
sisted of the wealthy middle classes, had not the same v.ewsrf 
monarchy with the absolute royalists. They still elt the rivalry 
Sid opposition of interest, natural to the middle against the 
privil<iS classes. The absolute roya ists themse ves did not 
S«ee- the party beaten in the interior had little sytnpathy 
with that enrolled among the armies of Europe; but besides 
The divUions between the emigrants "^d /endians, dissen«ons 
had arisen among the emigrants from the date of their departure 
from France. Nleantime, all these royalists of different opinions, 
not having yet to contend for the reward of v'ctory, came toim 
agreement to attack the convention m common. The emigrants 
Md the priests, who for some months past had returned in 
great numbers, took the banner of the sections quite certain if 
fhey carried the day by means of ^e-niddle class to estaMsh 
their own government; for they had a leader, and a defimte 

object, which the sectionaries had not. , . , , , . 

This reaction, of a new character, was restrained for some 
time in Paris, where the convention, a strong and neutral power, 
wUhed to prevent the violence and usurpation of both parties. 
While overthrowing the sway of the Jacobins, it suppressed 
Ae ve^eance ofThe royalists. Then it was that the greater 
Mrt of Ta troupe done deserted its cause, that the leaders of the 
Sections prepared the bourgeoisie to oppose 'he as'emDly, .md 
that the confederation of the Journalists succeeded that of the 
Jacobins. La Harpe, Richer-de-S6rizy, Poncelin, Tron9on-du- 
fcoudiay, Marchina, etc., became the organs of this new opmion. 
and were the literary clubists. The active but irregular troops of 
Ms Zny assemWed at the Thatre Feydeau. the Boulevard des 
Italics, and the Palais Royal, and began ^ chase oJ the Jacohm. 
while they sang the Reved du PeupU. The word of proscription, 
Tt that tLe, was Terrorist, in virtue of which an honest man 
might with good conscience attack a revolutionist The 
TeFrorist class was extended at the will or the passions of the new 
reactionaries, who wore their hair i la vicltme, ^nd who, no 
longer fearing to avow their intentions, for some tune past had 
adapted the Chouan uniform-Hi grey turned-back coat with a 
sreen or black collar. . t j _.. », 

But this reaction was much more ardent m the departments 
where there was no authority to interpose in the prevention of 
Woodshed. Here there were only two parties, that which had 
donated and that which had suffered under the Mountam. 



Party Executions 



267 



revolutionary massacr« thT-tT^v!: r u'^""'' ****"■ *•>« fi"* 
without any other form tSa^'^h"' e^toatTon '^t?" ?""' 



if 



!l 



268 



The French Revolution 



perils, while it sought to revive the courage of Europe. It 
confided in Puiiaye, and in the spring of 1795 prepared an 
expedition, in which the most energetic emigrants took a share, 
nearly all the officers of the former navy, and all who, weary 
of the part of exiles and of the distresses of a life of wandermg, 
wished to try their fortunes for the last time. 

The English fleet landed, on the peninsula of Quiberon, 
fifteen hundred emigrants, six thousand republican prisoners 
who had embraced the cause of the emigrants to return to 
France, sixty thousand muskets, and the full equipment for 
an army of forty thousand men. Fifteen hundred Chouans 
joined the army on its landing, but it was soon attacked by 
General Hoche. His attack proved successful; the republican 
prisoners who were in the ranks deserted, and it was defeated 
after a most energetic resistance. In the mortal warfare between 
the emigrants and the republic, the vanquished, being con- 
sidered as outlaws, were mercilessly massacred. Their loss 
inflicted a deep and incurable wound on the emigrant party. 
The hopes founded on the victories of Europe, on the progress 
of insurrection and the attempt of the emigrants, being thus 
overthrown, recourse was had to the discontented sections. It 
was hoped to make a counter-revolution by means of the new 
constitution decreed by the convention on the a and of August, 
1795. This constitution was, indeed, the work of the moderate 
republican party; but as it restored the ascendancy of the 
middle class, the royalist leaders thought that by it they might 
easily enter the legislative body and the government. 

This constitution was the best, the wisest, and most liberal, 
and the most provident that had as yet been established or 
projected; it contained the result of six years' revolutionary 
and legislative experience. At this period, the convention felt 
the necessity of organizing power, and of rendering the people 
settled, while the first assembly, from its position, only felt the 
necessitv of weakening royalty and agitating the nation. All 
had been exhausted, 'rom the throne to the people; existence 
now depended on reconstructing and restoring order, at the 
same time keeping the nation in great activity. The new 
constitution accomplished this. It differed but little from that 
of 1791, with respect to the exercise of sovereignty; but 
greatly in everything relative to government. It confided the 
legislative power to two councils ; that of the Cinqcents and that 
of tne Anciens ; and the executive power to a directory of five 
members. It restored the two degress of elections destined to 



Directory cf Five Members 269 

qu«li(u:ationswithresiictto,»^~U * T»« .but moderate 
of the primary ««mWe. wd thTl'?''"?'' '" "* '"•"''*" 

It became imperativelvne«r«,v .„ "'l"* '^'■"' '» *hich 

the multitude and ^e^aEonS^i" ofX""*'.""* ^'™'"'" °' 
In order to prevent thTn..^ "l* ™"'"tution of 'q,. 

•«*mbly, it WM ne" s^fo nTa^™ °' "if '*'^""y °' « ""8^ 
or defend it. T^e dSn teT?'^' "f"*" •° ^h'^k 
councils, which had thTsame olfl flf'""^* ^^ '■"•> t*o 
only differed in function TtS /h^'f 'T.'. ''""''"n- ""d 
•larming the people by ^ LE, ^ **°'° "^ "^J^" of not 
tributing to the fomatin^nf. _?"" '""«"t'on, and of con- 
of Five Hundred ™h«."°l*ir^ government. The CouncU 
year, old, Zllor^L^^^"^^''^^^''^ '° ^ thirty 
discussion' of laws. The CouncH oTln ••"* '""""'^' ""^ ^^ 
hundred and fifty memL„whol'^™'"'1' 'T^'^ "' »'^' 
year, was charged with Xt^g o'^i'^'JlS'Jili.''''' '»"*« 

toS.rtaXlo^-;£f ■-|»v^'^^^ 

^^rs:Jt^£S^^r^--^- 

least from each oth ^ l"«S' " ! i'^'^'=' "V''^' '"'y» " 
pensed with; and the councU C trnVrht of hT'"^ ^ ^^ 
urgency. This council acted sometim« °' ''*t«™'"">g such 
when it did not thorouBhlv anr^™ "" * legislative power, 
of the form " L, cZT^s^^Z LT*""' "^^ ™^ "»• 
sometimes as a coCvatlv^ t^^ZJ^" '"Y '^f''" ^^ 
measure in its legal bearW aS2 ^^i "'^" i* ""'^ considered a 
For the first tii^ rSf'42.1^- ^'' ^'^''"""f annuU." 
renewing of ^^^,7^^'°^^'"^' '^''P'"^' "^d the 
m order to avoid that rush ofeSrsy^"" ""^ ■^^"^' 
immoderate desire for innovat on «nH /^^ , *=T* '"'*' «> 
spirit of an assembly '""°'^^"°"' ^"d suddenly changed the 

lonSr Srin^r 11^^^ '^ ''"=k'=°""^'^'' ^^ - 
much feared to admit of a D?e^d?n?;f.K"^'''?y. "^ 'tUl too 
They, therefore, coS thSves to^h' ''""'^'''^ **"« ''^^■ 
of five member;, "ominaterby I^ 'coutr^/r °'^'^^'^°ly 
recommendation of that of the 1^. h™^ i *"2f "ts, at the 
might be brought to tri^ hv th» """d™d. TTie directors 

di^issed by them. Tw ^ re'Zt'n"'' ^f "^""^ °" b« 
. iney were entrusted with a general and 



27© The French Revolution 

independent power of -cutio^^jjj.'^-- ^^^ 

had the management of the armea 1°™ ~ , neeotiations, 

'*^u^ ''u'Srseen by th^^count that the functions <A 
go out. It wui oe scc" •J} chared bv the council of 

^^^^"w^Ld Ae^-^'-dTe dSr?f which held the 

StrlSK-^atSToiruSy; it could change 

rt"thtS wWrr^SttrS't^e re^volution 
L'^lS:yeTy:S'yconsUtution~^^^^ 

^^- rdoZ^r:^v»tffi^tSte4— 'rigM 

exdusive dommion, ana fa|«^=" , ^ g ^ jj ji^ not last 

r%*^lrn;heffi &s"if^uSnot Publish legal ord^ 
onger than the other^^ ^ ^j^^ government 

of the re|p of la'', j* «^ mermrtS do not wish to terrain- 
•^Cr^S^ rf ihe Commission of Eleven, who, previously 



Fusion of Parties 



271 



of the Girondists and the Mountain had left it the strongest. 
The men of the extreme sides, who had began the fusion of 
parties, joined it. Merlin de Douai represented the party of 
that mass which had yielded to circumstances, Thibaudeau, the 
party that continued inactive, and Daunou, the courageous party. 
The latter had declared himself opposed to all coups-d'itat^ 
ever since the opening of the assembly, both the 21st of January' 
and to the 31st of May, because he wished for the regime of the 
convention, without party violence and measures. After the 
9th Thermidor, he blamed the fury displayed towards the 
chiefs of the revolutionary government, whose victim he had 
been, as one of the seventy-three. He had obtained great 
ascendancy, as men gradually approached towards a legal 
system. His enlightened attachment to the revolution, his noble 
mdependence, the solidity and extent of his ideas, and his im- 
perturbable fortitude, rendered him one of the most influential 
actors of this period. He was the chief author of the constitu- 
tion of the year III., and the convention deputed him, with 
some others of its members, to undertake the defence of the 
republic, during the crisis of Vend6miaire. 

The reaction gradually increased; it was indirectly favoured 
by the members of the Right, who, since the opening of that 
assembly, had only been incidentally republican. They were 
not prepared to repel the attacks of the royalists with the same 
energy as that of the revolutionists. Among this number were 
Boissy d'Anglas, Lanjuinais, Henri La Riviire, Saladin, Aubry, 
etc.; they formed in the assembly the nucleus of the sectionary 
^rty. Old and ardent members of the Mountain, such as 
Rovire, Bourdon de I'Oise, etc., carried away by the counter- 
revolutionary movement, suffered the reaction to be prolonged, 
doubtless in order to make their peace with those whom they 
had so violently combated. 

But the conventional party, reas.iured with respect to the 
democrats, set itself to prevent the triumph of the royalists. It 
felt that the safety of the republic depended on the formation 
of the councils, and that the councils being elected by the 
middle class, which was directed by royalists, would be com- 
posed on counter-revolutionary principles. It was important 
to entrust the guardianship of the r^me they were about to 
establish to those who had an interest in defending it. In order 
to avoid the error of the constituent assembly, which had 
excluded itself from the legislature that succeeded it, the con- 
vention decided by a decree, that two-thirds of its members 



272 The French Revolution 

should be re-elected. By this means it secured the majority 
of the councils and the nomination of the directory; it could 
accompany its constitution into the state, and consolidate it 
without violence. This re-election of two-thirds was not 
exactly legal, but it was politic, and the only means of savmg 
France from the rule of the democrats or counter-revolutmnists. 
The convention granted itself a moderate dictatorship, by the 
decrees of the 5th and 13th Fructidor (ajnd and 30th of August, 
1705) one of which established the re-election, and the other 
fixed the manner of it. But these two exceptional decrees were 
submitted to the ratification of the primary assemblies, at the 
same time as the constitutional act. 

The royalist party was taken by surprise by the decrees of 
Fructidor. It hoped to form part of the government by the 
councils, of the councils by elections, and to effect a change 
of system when once in power. It inveighed against the con- 
vention. The royalist committee of Pans, whose agent was an 
obscure man, named Lemaitre, the journalists, and the leaders 
of the sections coalesced. They had no difficulty m securing 
the support of public opinion, of which they were the only 
organs; they accused the convention of perpetuating its power, 
and of assailing the sovereignty of the people. The lAief 
advocates of the two-thirds, Louvet, Daunou, and Chfeier, 
were not spared, and every preparation was made for a grand 
movement. The Faubourg Saint Germam, lately ahnost 
deserted, gradually filled; emigrants flocked m, and the con- 
spirators, scarcely concealing their plans, adopted the Chouan 

uniform. , ^ . 

The convention, perceiving the storm mcrease, sought support 
in the army, which, at that time, was the republicaji cla^, and a 
camp was formed at Paris. The people had been disbanded, and 
the royalists had secured the bourgeoisie. In the meantime, the 
primary assemblies met on the 20th Fructidor, to deliberate on 
&ie constitutional act, and the decrees of the two-thirds, which 
were to be accepted or rejected together. The LepeUetier 
section (formerly FilKs Saint Thomas) was the centre of all 
the others. On a motion made by that section, it was 
decided that the power of all constituent authonty ceased 
in the presence of the assembled people. The LepeUetier 
section, directed by Richer-Sirizy, La Harpe, Lacretelle junior, 
Vaublanc, etc., turned its attention to the organization of the 
insurrectional government, under the name of the central 
committee. This committee was to replace in Vendemiaire, 



The Convention in Danger 271 

against the convention, the committee of the loth of Aujnjst 
gainst the throne and of the 31st of May against the Gironduts. 

I^,nT\u ^^^ "*"°'" "^"P**^ ^^ '"'asure, which was 
Mm^ed by the convention, whose decree was in its turn re- 

S Lh rr -^ 1*''' "^^'°'^- '^* '*'"««'« ""* became 
open and m Pans they separated the constitutional act 

r^Sted."" °^ • *' ^'^'^ °^ reflection, which w^re 

On the ist Vend^miaire, the convention proclaimed the 

acceptance of the decrees by the greater number of the^rimar^ 

a^embhes of France. The sections assembled again to nS^ 

oL thf "fK^^K" T" '° ?='""''' '•"= '"^'"be^ «f the legislature 
S^thP tkIV'"^ determined that the electors shouldlssemble 
hrli ?^ !t*" Franpis (.t was then on the other sid. of the 
bridges ; that they should be accompanied there by the armed 

fh. ™:- -J r V ' »'='=°'?'"g'y. the electors assembled under 

the presidency of the due de Nivemois, and the guard of some 
detachments of chasseurs and grenadiers 

The invention, apprised of the danger, sat permanently 
stotioned round its place of sitting the Tro<;ps of the 3 of 
mem^A'^^ concentrated its powers in a committee?five 
members, who were entrusted with all measures of public safetv 
I^Tl.^'v"'^'^^"^- Colombel, Barias, Daunou. Letoumeu'r 
and Merlin de Douai. For some time the revolutionistTh^d 

imprisoned for the events of Prairial. They enrolled, under the 

hundred of them, who had been proceeded against m the 
departments or in Paris, by the friends of the r^crn!' Z the 
evenmg of the nth, the convention sent to dissolve the assembly 

folwTday' "■ '"' *^^ •"' ^'■■^^ '''^i°"™«='l *° «>« 
During the night of the nth, the decree which dissolved the 

TT °JJT^- ^'^ '''^^ ?™?'' '^' '^ttalion of patriots 
th.?^.' T!^ the greatest agitation. Drums beat to arms- 
the Lepelletier section declaimed against the despotism of™ e 
convention, against the return of the Rfign ofTerror ^d 

th^^nt^f^^t' ?l '^' "■* P"P*"'' "'"'ther sSsTor 
the contKt. In the evening, the convention, scarcely less 
agitated, decided on taking the initiative, by surrounding the 
conspumg section, and terminating the crisis by disarmiir it 
Menou, general of the interior, and Uporte the represSv"; 



274 



The French Revolution 



were entrusted with this mission. The convent of the Filles 
Saint Thomas was the headquarters of the sectionaries, before 
which they had seven or eight hundred men in battle array. 
These were surrounded by superior forces, from the Boulemds 
on each side, and the Rue Vivienne opposite. Instead of 
disarming them, the leaders of the expedition began to pwley. 
Both parties agreed to withdraw; but the conventional 
troops had no sooner retired than the sectionaries returned 
reinforced. This was a complete victory for them, which bemg 
exaggerated in Paris, as such hings always are, increased their 
number, and gave them courage to attack the convention the 

next day. . , . • * 

About eleven at night the convention learned the issue ot 
the expedition and the dangerous effect which it had produced; 
it immediately dismissed Menou, and gave the commuid of 
the armed force to Barras, the general in command on the 9th 
Thermidor. Barras asked the committee of five to appoint as 
his second in command, a young officer who had distinguished 
himself at the siege of Toulon, but had been dismissed by Aubry 
of the reaction party; a young man of talent and resolution, 
calculated to do good service to the republic in a moment of 
peril. This young officer was Bonaparte. He appeared before 
the committee, but there was nothing in his appearance that 
announced his astonishing destiny. Not a man of party, 
summoned for the first time to this great scene of action, his 
demeanour exhibited a timidity and a want of assurance, whidi 
disappeared entirely in the preparations for battle, and in toe 
heat of action. He immediately sent for the artiltery of the 
camp of Sablons, and disposed them, with the five thousand 
men of the conventional army, on all the pomts from which tlie 
convention could be assafled. At noon on the 13th Vendi- 
miaire, the enclosure of the convention had the appeiuranceof 
a fortified place, which could only be taken by assault. The 
line of defence extended, on the left side of the Tuilenes along 
the river, from the Pont Neuf to the Pont Louis XV.; on the 
right, in all the small streets opening on the Rue Samt Honors, 
from the Rues deRohan, de I'Echelle and the Cul-de-sac Dauphin, 
to the Place de la Revolution. In front, the Louvre, the Jardm 
de I'Infai. e, and the Carrousel were planted with cannon; 
and behind, the Pont Toumant and the Place de la Revolution 
formed a park of reserve. In this position the convention 
awaited the insurgents. 

The latter soon encompassed it on several points. Ihey 



Conflict in the Rue Saint Honorc 275 

^,™?f n ^ -"^ ^^°l^o^i men under arms, commanded by 
generals Damcan, Duhoux.and the ex-gardeiu-corps Ufond 
The tiurty-two sections which formed theVjority, l2d suS 
the^ mihtary contingent, Of the other sixteen, «veral seK 

^J!; <2umze-vmgts and MontreuU, sent assistance durta^ 
Ae action; others, though favourably disposed, as that of 

hkf ZTf'lT'^^V''?-^"' '^^ '^^'y- °the"^n>ain^d neulr^ 
hke that of L'Indivisibihti. From two to three o'clock general 
&rteaux who occupied the Pont Neuf with four hu^dreTi^n 
and two four-pounders, was surrounded by several columnTof 
sectionaries, who obliged him to retire on the We^u 

S^.""''^' n"'^ '^' '■^'^8^"'^' ''^° were strong on aS 
pomts General Damcan summoned the convention to with- 
draw Its troops, and disarm the terrorists. TTie offiir enU ted 
m« J^ swnmons was led into the assembly blindfold, a^ Ws 
SZ^ occasioned some agitation, several "n^-mbers decl^r^ 
m favour of concUiatory measures. Boissy d'Anglas adv^s^ a 

SX^h* frT' ""^r ^°^^ "^ priTaTarn i^ 
fW * / should call upon the citizens to retire, promising 
then to disarm the battalion of 'Sg. This addres^ excited 
violent murmurs Chinier rushed to the tribune "Im 
surprised," said he, " that the demands of sections in a st^ 
tLTlt '^r''' ^ '^r'^'"^ ^"'- Negotiation muS not t^ 
^rnfon >J ?ln-.'- °^^ "^TV "^ '^'=^* '"' the national con! 
dtSnn^^S "" '^i""*- *° ''"PP<« th« address, by 
dwelhng on the dai^r and misery of civil war: but the con- 
vention would not hear him, and on the motiok of F™d 
fussed to theorder of the day. The debates res^cttag meTures 
of peace or war with the sections were continued for someTme 

-eard, which put an end to aU discussion. Seven hundred 

^l^^iTf^"^^ """^ commenced in the Rue Saint Honors, 
of which the insurgents were masters. The first shots were 
fired from the Hfltel de NoaiUes, and a murderous fire extended 

otW ^i;^" 'r^'" ?' *'^ '!"'=• ^ ^'^ «>°«™ts after, on t^e 
other side, two columns of sectionaries, about four thousMd 
rtrong. commanded by the count de Maulevrier, advS^y 
the quays, and attacked the Pont Royal. The action then 
became general, but it could not last long; the place was t^ 
well defended to be taken by assault. After an hK fi^tiS^ 



276 



The French Revolution 



the sectionaries were driven from Saint Roch and Rue Saint 
Honors, by the cannon of the convention and the battalion of 
patriots. The column of the Pont Royal received three dis- 
charges of artillery in front and on the side, from the bridge 
and the quays, which put it entirely to flight. At seven o'clock 
the conventional troops, victorious on all sides, took the offen- 
sive; by nine o'clock they had dislodged the sectionaries from 
the Theatre de la Ripublique and the posts they still occupied 
in the neighbourhood of the Palais Royal. They prepared to 
make barricades during the night, and several volleys were fired 
in the Rue de la Loi (Richelieu), to prevent the works. The 
next day, the 14th, the troops of the convention disarmed 
the Lepelletier section, and compelled the others to return to 
order. 

The assembly, which had only fought in its own defence, 
displayed much moderation. The 13th Vend^miaire was the 
loth of August of the royalists against the republic, except 
that the convention resbted the bourgeoisie much better than 
the throne resisted the faubouip. The position of Franqp 
contributed very much to this victory. Men now wished for 
a republic without a revolutionary government, a moderate 
regime without a counter-revolution. The convention, which 
was a mediatory power, pronounced alike against the exclusive 
domination of the lower class, which it had thrown off in Prairial, 
and the reactionary domination of the bourgeoisie, which it 
repelled in Vendimiaire, seemed alone capable of satisfying 
this twofold want, and of putting an end to the state of warfare 
between the two parties, which was prolonged by their alternate 
entrance into the government. This situation, as well as its 
own dangers, gave ;t courage to resist, and secured its triumi*. 
The sections could not take it by surprise, and still less by 
assault. • . •. w 

After the events of Vendimiaire, the convention occupied itself 
with forming the councils and the directory. The third part, 
freely elected, had been favourable to reaction. A few con- 
ventionalists, headed by Tallien, proposed to annul the elections 
of this third, and wished to suspend, for a lonper time, the con- 
ventional government. Thibaudeau exposed their design with 
much courage and eloquence. The whole conventional party 
adopted his opinion. It rejected all superfluous arbitrary sway, 
and showed itself impatient to leave the provisional state it 
had been in for the last three years. The conver Uon estabhshed 
itself as a national electoral assembly, in order to complete the 



Close of the Convention 277 

Srt'*of the^ZZf iVr'"^"i ?**" '°™*d the council,; 

ists thus elected were ll rIIm?*^ t/' ^he conventional- 

antipathvTr Re^ll H,^^'"'"r ru'".'^"™°™t«We 
oftheXectorv On the i h ^^"'^'^ .'"«' t^e first composition 

iTofc'""'^*'''' ^t^-^gl" which arose between the Te^ 
^^ ^e lauert'd T^ f T^ "'^^""y P^^ °f tlL 110^ 



278 



The French Revolution 



conquered the revolutionary and royalist parties, and sought 
to establish a moderate republic in opposition to both. 

During this long and terrible period, the violence of the 
situation changed the revolution into a war, and the assembly 
into a field of battle. Each party wished to establish its sway 
by victory, and to secure it by founding its system. The 
Girondist party made the attempt, and perished; the Mountain 
made the attempt, and perished; the party of the commune 
made the attempt, and perished; Robespierre's party made 
the attempt, and perished. They could only conquer, they were 
unable to found a system. The property of such a storm was 
to overthrow everything that attempted to become settled. All 
was provisional; dominion, men, parties, and systems, because 
the only thing real and possible was— war. A year was necessary 
to enable the conventional party, on its return to power, to 
restore the revolution to a legal position; and it could only 
accomplish this by two victories— that of Prairial and that of 
Vendimiaire. But the convention having then returned to the 
point whence it started, and having discharged its true mission, 
which was to establish the republic after having defended it, 
disappeared from the theatre of the world which it had filled 
with surprise. A revolutionary power, it ceased as soon as 
1^ order recommenced. Three years of dictatorship had 
been lost to liberty but not to the revolution. 



THE EXECUTIVE DIRECTORY 

CHAPTER XII 

nOM TH« INSTALLATION OT THE DIKICTn>v n» ,«~ 

cJMses which composed the French nation xL ' -i T 

bet»^ t*?. ''1"'*='°'^ succeeded the convention, the s?™„le 
oetween the classes was irreatlv weakmi>H tk. k; I '^™8g'« 

^ger able to «t«^exchs1vtlTdurbfe'L^„"5^ 

became discouraged, and feU back from public hTJrivate 5fT 

279 



28o 



The French Revolution 






This fecond period divided itself into two epochs: it was hbenl 
under the directory and at the commencement of the Consulate, 
and military at the close of the Consulate and under the empire. 
The revolution daily grew more materialized; after having 
made a nation of sectaries, it made a nation of working men, 
and then it made a nation of soldiers. 

Many illusions were already destroyed; men had passed 
through so many difierent stotes, had lived so much in so few 
years, that all ideas were confounded and all creeds shaken. 
The reign of the middle class and that of the multitude had 
passed away like a rapid phantasmagoria. They were far from 
that France of the 14th of July, with its deep conviction, iu 
high morality, its assembly exercising the all-powerful sway 
of liberty and of reason, its popular magistracies, its citizen- 
guard, its brilliant, peaceable, and animated exterior, wearing 
the impress of order and independence. They were far from 
the more sombre and more tempestuous Fiance of the 10th of 
August, when a single class held the govemmert and society, 
and had introduced therein its language, manners, and costume, 
the agitation of its fears, the fanaticism of its ideas, the distrust 
of its position. Then private life entirely gave place to puh'-c 
life; the republic preser.ted, in turn, the aspect of an assemL / 
and of a camp; the rich were subject to the poor; the creed of 
democracy combined with the gloomy and ragged administration 
of the people. At each of these periods men had been strongly 
attached to some idea: first, to liberty and constitutional 
monarchy; afterwards, to equality, fraternity, and the republic. 
But at the beginning of the directory, there was belief in nothing ; 
in the great shipwreck of parties, all had been lost, both the 
virtue of the bourgeoisie and the virtue of the people. 

Men arose from this furious turmoil weakened and wounded, 
and each, remembering his political existence with terror, 
plunged wildly into the pleasures and relations of private life 
which had so long been suspended. Balls, banquets, debauchery, 
splendid carriaga, became more fashionable than ever; this 
was the reaction of the ancient regime. The reign of the sans- 
culottes brought back the dominion of the rich; the clubs, the 
return of the salons. For the rest, it was scarcely possible but 
that the first symptom of the resumption of modem civilization 
should be thus irregular. The directorial manners were the 
product of another society, which had to appear agam before 
the new state of society could regulate its relations, and constitute 
its own manners. In this transition, luxury would give nse 



Installation of the Directory 281 

JL1?I!!"'k"*'''"K'''''^ *^ commerce; saion^ bring p«tie. 
together who could not approxim«e except in private iS?^ " 
a word, c1v.l12at.0n would again usher in liKerty ' 

tion nf"thf I?" °! "** "^^^'^ "^ di»cou»«ing at the installa- 
^™i-'. !'^'"*iSP'- ^*" «'^t«d no rfement of order or 
administration There was no money in the public treasury 

to"e«hu*r "'!'" '^'''y*^ '"' *">» °' 'he small sum n^«^ 

d«!r^vIS *, «^ ' P"P«'\'=""-e"<:y. ■" the last stage of discredit. 

tS ev,°rC •'""f"- ™""""«; the dearth became pro- 

it a^^mt!^? °"' "'"u'"8 *° P*" *'"> '>'» commodities, for 

orX,o,t,^n? ^' w^.k"""" r^y- .*'^* ""^'n^'' *"=« exhausted 
or almost empty . Without, the armies were destitute of bainrase. 

dX''.n?fK' '^'* '",PP""' *''<' '°'*''" "«'' i" '"^t of 
Mv oTpithf fi' ^'""*'' T- ' °^'*? ""*"* '° "l"'date their 
™Zf . *n ^"^ " ■"""*'' '" 'P«='*' »n indispensable supple- 
rnent. small as it was, to their py in assignaU; and lastlv the 

Sit- ''""'"''"**^- ''S'^ undisciplined, on alrcount rf' heir 
necrasities, were again beaten, and on the defensive. 

n,ii^/*1.*' *''*f ***** °f '^'^ »ft" the fall of the com- 
S ^L"""" i?^"y- This committee had foreseen the 
b^S,; «n^ f T"^ '"J '*.; ^'^ '" *•>* ''""y »"d i" the interior, 
«J,nt K-^ IrT *"u*'lf ""«'■'«'"»• No one had dared to 
3v^nT^^ '""" *'' fi"^ci^l system, which rendered the 
^^♦v y/ commercial classes tributary to the soldiers and the 
multitude, and at that time provisions had not been wlthheW 
c^ed theTi. 1- .i?"' *'"=«. ^"l™" and confiscation haS 
mt™' » tuP^P'*; *i** convention, and the armies were at the 
meicy of the landed proprietors and speculators, and terrible 
«arcity existed, a reaction against the maxifnum.' The sjSem 
^n^^lnt""™ '°">'' consmed, in political economy. L the 
consumption of an immense capital, represented by the isignats 

iwffT'"?!^^-"'^ \T " "1^ ?°vernment, which had S 
Itself m defending the -evolution. Neariy half the French 

n™"^' '°T'"^ °f ''°'"*"'' °f *h« crown, ecclesSl 
^^dt^^'Jj' """^Ty *'>t'='"«™"t nobility, had been soW 
K?i loh? ""^^PP'!.*^ *° ** '"PP°" of the people, who did 
1™- ^» ' "•? *° ^^^ *'"'™^' defence of the republic by the 
Wore the ^thT^* '•^'* ""'!!'='^^ °' ^='«"^*^ '^"^ •-«" i'su^ 
Son, L^H h ™!l^' ^'^ !■"" *'^* P*"°^ ^^^y ' housand 
millions had been added to that sum. already so enormous. 

b^t ?h '^ T ""^•'^ "°i ^ continued; it wks necessary to 
uegm the work agam, and return to real money. 



282 



The French Revolution 



The men deputed to remedy ihii great dUoig«niz«tion were, 
for the most part, of ordinary talent; but they let to work with 
xeal, courage, and good sense. " When the directon," said 
M. Bailleul,* "entered the Luxembourg, there wai not an 
article o' ' irniture. In a small room, at a little broken table, 
one leg ^i hich was half eaten away with age, on which they 
placed some letter-paper and a calumet standish, which they had 
fortunately brought from the committee of public safety, seated 
on four straw-bottom chairs, opposite a few logs of dimly- 
burning wood, the whole borrowed from Dupont, the porter; 
who would believe that it was in such a condition that the 
members of the new government, after having investigated all 
the difficulties, nay, all the horror of their position, resolved that 
they would face all obstacles, and that they would either perish 
or rescue France from the abyss into which she had fallen? On 
a sheet of writing-paper they drew up the act by which they 
ventured to declare themselves constituted; an act which they 
immediately despatched to the legislative chambers." 

The directors then proceeded to divide theii labours, taking 
as their guide the grounds which had induced the constitu- 
tional party to select them. Rewbell, possessed of great energy, 
a lawyer versed in government and diplomacy, had assigned 
to him the departmenu of law, finance, and foreign afiain. 
His skill and commanding character soon made him the moving 
spirit of the directory in all civil matters. Barras had no 
special knowledge; his mind was mediocre, his resources few, 
Us habits indolent. In en hour of danger, ^is resolution qualified 
him to execute sudden measures, like those of Thermidor or 
Vendimiaire. But being, on ordinary occasions, only adapted 
for the surveillance of parties, the intrigues of which he was 
better acquainted with than any one else, the police department 
was allotted to him. He was well suited for the task, being 
supple and insinuating, without partiality for any political sect, 
and having revolutionary connexions by his past li'^, while 
his birth gave him access to the aristocracy. Barras took on 
himself the representation of the directory, and established 
a sort of republican regency at the Luxembourg. The pure 
and moderate La R6veill4re, whose gentleness tempered with 
courage, whose sincere attachment for the republic and legal 
measures, had procured him a post in the directory, with the 
general consent of tne assembly and public opinion, had assigned 

> Examm Critique da Cotaidtratiota de Madame i$ SUel, sur la Rtvolu- 
tioH Frantaise, by M. J. Ch. BaUleul, vol. U., pp. 373. a8i. 



Deptrtments Organized agj 

to him the mOTal department, embndng eduoition the arti 

STt^v.Min'nTi'^"' P""'' "J'"y " «»>« Utter perlS' 
But whSS S; ''if.'*!" -PPO""*! to the war depart'ment. 

•Mumed the direction of mUitary operations, and left^ hS 

S&f„H^*°r*"\*'" navy'anrthe colonie^. Hi, hjh 
Ulenti and resolute character gav« him the upper hand in tte 

S^J. .^'"i^"' "•' ^*"'" *"* »*'*•" tho two. At tWs 
concord to the improvement and welfare of the state 
The directors frankly followed the route traced out for th*n. 

L'Lt- „?.1f'"""°,?r A!"' """"S "tabUsheHutWit" S 
TTr K j'"' "P"'J^'=' '•^y organized it in the departments Md 

S;'„ lif '"■"•' ?• '^^ ■=""■''' » corresponcC o7 S 
between local aummistrations and their own Placed betweS 
the two exclusive and dissatisfied parties of PrairiaTwd vS 
""k"!: 'u*'' '"deavoured, by a de< ded line of cwdurt tt 
jubject tiicm to an order of things, holding a pl,^ m^;,^" 
between their extreme pretensions* TT«y sought o^W^Ae 
enthusi«m and order of the first year, of the revolution <^y^ 
«*om we summon to share our labours," they wrote to thet 
agents, 'you who have, with us, to promote the proeress o^ 
the repubhcan constitution, your first Wrtue, your fireSn» 
shouri be that decided resolution, that patriotic faa"h,wWch 
SSi-^n'^^^lf' "* "thusiasts and it, miracles. All Ju te 
achieved when by your care, that sincere love of liberty whidS 
sanctified the dawn of the revolution, again animates Vhe^^ 
of every Frenchman. The bamiers ofXrty Zt ng on eve^ 
house, and t ,e republican device written on evert Z.rdoub^ 
whe„rr T'''''"^, i^^'- 0''*^'" "•»«; hasteT'the day 
Tn every Ct.""^' °' '^' "P"''"'^ '''*" ^ «^^^'" ^'"'""t^^y 
In a short time, the wise and firm proceedines of the new 

^"'^.°\P'°^"°''\'"<^^^cmed, and at the end of a month 
Ae directory was relieved from the obligation to provide Pwis 

^atS^blTh' """1 1'^T"^ ^°' itself.%ie imnfeL actfwty 
^H !l; M "*^°i""°» bega,. to be directed towards industrC 
and agriculture. A part of the population quitted the cIuS 
and public places for workshops and fields; and then the bene^ 
of a revolution, which, havi„rdestroyed corp^ratioi^ divWed 



284 



The French Revolution 



property, abolished privileges, increased fourfold the means 
of civilization, and was destined to produce prodigious good to 
France, began to be felt. The directory encouraged this move- 
ment in the direction of labour by salutary institutions. It 
re-established public exhibitions of the proiduce of industry, 
and improved the system of education decreed under the con- 
vention. The national institute, primary, central, and normal 
schools, formed a complete system of republican institutions. 
La RiveillAre, the director intrusted with the moral department 
of the government, then sought to establish, under the name 
of Theophilanthropie, the deistical religion which the committee 
of public safety had vainly endeavoured to establish by the 
Fete a I'Etre Supreme. He provided temples, hymns, forms, 
and a kind of liturgy, for the new religion; but such a faith 
could only be individual, could not long continue public. The 
theophilanthropists, whose religion was opposed to the political 
opinions and the unbelief of the revolutionists, were much 
ridiculed. Thus, in the passage from public institutions to 
individual faith, all that had been liberty became civilization, 
and what had been religion became opinion. Deists remained, 
but theophilanthropists were no longer to be met with. 

The directory, pressed for money, and shackled by the dis- 
astrcjs state of the finances, had recourse to measures some- 
what extraordinary. It had sold or pledged the most valuable 
articles of the Wardrobe, in order to meet the greatest urgencies. 
National property was still left; but it sold badly, and for 
assignats. The directory proposed a compulsory loan, which 
was decreed by the councils. This was a relic of the revolu- 
tionary measures with regard to the rich; but, having been 
irresolutely adopted, and executed without due authority, it 
did not succeed. The directory then endeavoured to revive 
paper money; it proposed the issue of mandais territoriaux, 
which were to be substituted for the assignats then in circula- 
tion, at the rate of thirty for one, and to take the place of money. 
The councils decreed the issue of mandats territoriaux to the 
amount of two thousand four hundred millions. They had 
the advantage of being exchangeable at once and upon presen- 
tation, for the national domains which represented them. 
Their sale was very extensive, and in this way was completed 
the revolutionary mission of the assignats, of which they were 
the second period. They procured the directory a momentary 
resource; but they also lost their credit, and led insensibly to 
bankruptcy, which was the transition from paper to specie. 



The Military Situation 285 

The military situation of the republic was not a briUiant one ■ 
o * to^ o^^e convention there had been an abatement 
^nt^S aThn,-^ equivocal pw.tion and weakness of the 
centra^ authority, as much as the scarcity, had relaxed the 
discipline of the troops. The generab. too, dZpSnted that 
they had distinguished their command by so few victories 

i^«„Th"."°'-'P",^1°" >y ^ '"^^6«'i<= ^vemmentrSe 
wXTJ, '" ■"f"b°jdmat.on. The convention had deputed 

Rhte^h""^.^'""'''-^' r " '^' •'^^ °f the army oHhe 
Rhme, the other with that of the Sambre-et-Meuse to sur- 
round and capture May.nce, in order that they St ^cupv 

reouhL «„H * -^^ possessing the entire confidence of the 
fn™.H ' . '"^"y'^S ^^^ g'*^'*** "'"'"y f^e of the day he 
formed counter-revolutionary schemes with the prince of S 
but they were unable to agree. Pichegru urged the ei^^^t 

E 'n '"*^ • ^"^'' "^'^ '^'' ''°°^''^y S^tzeriLd of Ae 
Rhme promising to remain inactive, the only thine in hi! 
power to do in favour of such an attempt. The princefea^ired 

S?,ir'™'v"J7' '^' ^''^'«^ should hoist the XeXin 
his army, which was, to a man, republican. This hesitation n^ 
doubt, injured the projects of the reactionis s whc ^e e pr" 
paring the conspiracy of Vend^miaire. But P cheeru^shfn^ 
one way or the other, to serve his new allies aid tKlv hfs 
country altowed himself to be defeated at HeidelScom- 

frontlTto°\^^Sy"'' '"""''^''''^ '""' ^' -P-'^ '"" 

wJ^nf f'^v °TJ°T^ i?" ^^"^ °P^° t°*"ds Mayence, the 
Z.,/ La Vend^ rekindled; the coasts of France and HoCd 
threatened with a descent from England; lastly the a^v 
of Italy destitute of everything, and merely ma^ntai-nL^^ 
defensive under ScWrer and Kellermann. Camot prepared a 
new plan of campaign, which was to carry the anides of the 
republic to the very heart of the hostile states. ™ nacLrte 
appointed general of the interior after the events of VendSe' 
was placed at the head of the army of Italy; JourdrSd 
the command of the army of the Sambre-et-Meuse, and Mor^a^ 
had that 01 the army of the Rhine, in place of PichT^ -^^e 

n,!t r:,n r '""^°S T ""^1*'='^'^ by the directo^though 
not proved was oflered the embassy to Sweden, which he 
refused, and retired to Arbois, his native place. The Uire^ 
great armies, placed under the orders of Bonap^te, Jour^ 



286 



The French Revolution 



I 



and Moreau, were to attack the Austrian monarchy by Italy 
and Germany, combine at the entrance of the Tyrol and march 
upon Vienna, in echelon. The generals prepared to execute 
this vast movement, the success of which would make the 
republic mistress of the headquarters of the coalition on the 

continent. j t •.>, 

The directory gave to general Hoche the command ot tne 
coast, and deputed him to conclude the Vendian war. Hoche 
changed the system of warfare adopted by his predecessors 
La Vendte was disposed to submit. Its presaous victories had 
not led to the success of its cause; defeat and lU-fortune 
had exposed it to plunder and conflagration. The insurgents, 
irreparably injured by the disaster of Savenay, by the loss of 
their principal leader, and their best soldiers, by the devastating 
system of the infernal columns, now desired nothmg more than 
to live on good terms with the republic. The war now depended 
only on a few chiefs, upon Charette, Stofllet, etc. Hoche saw 
that it was necessary to wean the masses from these men by 
concessions, and then to crush them. He skilfully separated 
the royalist cause from the cause of religion, and employed the 
priests against the generals, by showing great indulgence to the 
Mtholic religion. He had the country scoured by four powerful 
columns, took their cattle from the inhabitants, and only re- 
stored them in return for their arms. He left no repose to the 
armed party, defeated Charette in several encounters, pursued 
him from one retreat to another, and at last made hun prisoner. 
Stofflet wished to raise the Vendian standard again on his 
territorv; but it was given up to the republicans. These two 
chiefs, who had witnessed the beginning of the insurrection, 
were present at its close. They died courageously; Stofflet at 
Angers, Charette at Nantes, after having displayed character and 
talents worthy of a larger theatre. Hoche likewise tranquilUzed 
Brittany. Morbihan was occupied by numerous bands of 
Chouans who formed a formidable association, the principal 
leader of which was George Cadoudal. Without entering on a 
campaign, they were mastering the country Hoche directed 
all his force and activity against them, and before long had 
destroyed or exhausted them. Most of their leaders quitted 
their arms, and took refr.ee in England. The directory, on 
learning these fortunate pacifications, formally announced to 
both councils, on the j8th Messidor (June, 1796), that this 
civil war was definitively terminated. 
In this manner the winter of the year IV. passed away. 



The Democratic Club Re-established 287 

But the directory could hardly fafl to be attacked by the two 
parties, whtKe sway was prevented by its existence, the demc 
crats and the royalists. The former constituted an inflexible 
and enterprising sect. For them, the 9th Thermidor was an 
era of pam and oppression: they desired to establish absolute 
equality, in spite of the sUte of society, and democratic liberty, 
ui spite of civihzation. This sect had been so vanquished as 
effectually to prevent its return to power. On the 9th Thermidor 
It had been driven from the government; on the jnd Prairial 
from society; and it had bst both power and insurrections! 
But though disorganized a i proscribed, it was far from having 
disappewed. After the unfortunate attempt of the royalists 
in Vendtoiaire, it arose through their abasement 

The democrats re-established their club at the Pamhton 
which the directory tolerated for some time. They had fw 
their chief, Gracchus " Babeuf, who styled himself the " Tri- 
bune of the people." He was a daring man, of an exalted 
imagination, an extraordinary fanaticism of democracy, and 
wth great influence over his party. In his journal, he prepared 
the reign of general happiness. The society at the Panthdon 
dajly became more numerous, and more alarming to the directory 
who at first endeavoured to restrain it. But the sittings were 
soon protracted to an advanced hour of the night; the demo- 
CTats repaired thither in arms, and proposed marching against 
the directory and the councils. The directory deterSiined to 
oppcee them openly. On the 8th Ventdse, year IV. (February 
1796), It closed the society of the Pantheon, and on the qth 
by a message informed the legislative body that it had done so' 
the democrats, deprived of their place of meeting, had 
recourse to another plan. They seduced the police force, 
which was chiefly composed of deposed revolutionists; and in 
concert with it, they were to destroy the constitution of the 
l^^ i J I^ directory, informed of this new manoeuvre, 
disbanded the police force, causing it to be disarmed by othe^ 
troops on whom it could rely. The conspirators, taken by 
surprise a second time, determined on a project of attack and 
msurrection: they formed an insurrectionary committee of 
pub ic safety which communicated by secondary agents with 
the lower orders of the twelve communes of Paris. The mem- 
bers of this principal committee were Babeuf, the chief of the 
conspu-acy, ex-conventionalists, such as Vadier, Amar, Choudieu. 
Kicord, the representative Drouet, the former generals of the 
decemviral committee, Rossignol, Parrein, Fyon, Lami. Many 



288 



The French Revolution 



cashiered officers, patriots of the departments, and the old 
Jacobin mass, composed the army of this faction. The chiefs 
often assembled in a place they called the Temple of Reason; 
here they sang lamentations on the death of Robespierre, and 
deplored the slavery of the people. They opened a negotiation 
with the troops of the camp of Crenelle, admitted among them 
a captain of that camp, named Grisel, whom they supposed 
their own, and concerted every measure for the attack. 

Their plan was to establish common happiness ; and for that 
purpose, to make a distribution of property, and to cause the 
government of true, pure, and absolute democrats to prevail; 
to create a convention composed of sixty-eight members of the 
Mountain, the remnant of the numbers proscribed since the 
reaction of Thermidor, and to join with these a democrat for 
each department; lastly, to start from the different quarters in 
which they had distributed themselves, and march at the same 
time against the directory and against the councils. On the 
night of the insurrection, they were to fix up two placards; one, 
containing the words, "The Consritution of 1793! liberty! 
equality 1 common happiness!" the other, containing the 
following declaration, "Those who usurp the sovereignty, 
ought to be put to death by free men." All was ready; the 
proclamations printed, the day appointed, when they were 
betrayed by Grisel, as generally happens in conspiracies. 

On the 2ist Flor&l (May), the eve of the day fixed for the 
attack, the conspirators were seized at their regular place of 
meeting. In Babeuf 's house were found a plan of the plot and 
all the documents connected with it. The directory apprised the 
councils of it by a message, and announced it to the people by 
proclamation. This strange attempt, savouring so strongly of 
fanaticism, and which could only be a repetition of the insur- 
rection of Prairial, without its means and its hopes of success, 
excited the greatest terror. The public mind was still terrified 
with the recent domination of the Jacobins. 

Babeuf, like a daring conspirator, prisoner as he was, proposed 
terms of peace to the directory: — 

" Would you consider it beneath you, citizen directors, 
he wrote to them, " to treat with me, as power with power? 
You have seen what vast confidence centres in me; y>u have 
seen that my party may well balance equally in the scale your 
own; you have seen its immense ramifications. I am con- 
vinced you have trembled at the sight." He concluded by 
saying: " I see but one wise mode of proceeding; declare there 



Conspiracy of Babeuf 



289 



has been no serious conspiracy. Five men, by showing them- 
selves gieat and generous may now save the country. I will 
answer for it, that the patriots will defend you with their lives; 
the patriots do not hate you; they only hated your unpopular 
measures. For my part, I will give you a guarantee as ex- 
tensive as is my perpetual franchise." The directors, instead 
of this reconciliation, published Babeuf's letter, and sent the 
conspirators before the high court of Vend6me. 

Their partisans made one more attempt. On the 13th 
Fructidor (August), about eleven at night, they marched, to the 
number of six or seven hundred, armed with sabres and pistols, 
against the directory, whom they found defended by its guard. 
They then repaired to the camp of Crenelle, which they hoped to 
gain over by means of a correspondence which they had estab- 
lished with '-.. The troops had retired to rest when the con- 
spirators arrived. To the sentinel's cry of " Qui vive f " they 
replied: "Vive la republique / Vive la constitution de '93!" 
The sentinels gave the alarm through the camp. The con- 
spirators, relying on the assistance of a battalion from Card, 
which had been disbanded, advanced towards the tent of Malo, 
the commander-in-chief, who gave orders to sound to arms, 
and commanded his half-dressed dragoons to mount. The con- 
spirators, surprised at this reception, feebly defended them- 
selves: they were cut down by the dragoons or put to flight, 
leaving many dead and prisoners on the field of battle. This 
ill-fated expedition was ahnost the last of the party: with 
each defeat it lost its force, its chiefs, and acquired the secret 
conviction that its reign was over. The Crenelle enterprise 
proved most fatal to it; besides the numbers slain in the fight, 
many were condemned to death by the military commissions, 
which were to it wiiat the revolutionary tribunals had been 
to its foes. The commission of the camp of Crenelle, in five 
sittings, condemned one-and-thirty conspirators to death, thirty 
to transportation, and twenty-five to imprisonment. 

Shortly afterwards the high court of Vendome tried Babeuf 
and his accomplices, among whom were Amar, Vadier, and 
Darthi, formerly secretary to Joseph Lebon. Thev none of 
them belied themselves ; they spoke as men who fe* d neither 
to avow their object, nor to die for their cause. At the beginning 
and the end of each sitting, they sang the Marseillaise. This old 
song of victory, and their firm demeanour, struclc the public 
mind with astonishment, and seemed to render them still 
more formidable. Their wives accompanied them to the trial. 



290 



The French Revolution 



B«beaf, At the close of his defence, turned to them, and said, 
" they should aeeompany them even to Calvary, because the eaute 
of their punishment wouU not bring them to shame." The high 
court condemned Babeuf and Darth* to death: as the)r heutl 
their sentence they both stabbed themselves with a poignard. 
Babeuf was the last leader of the old commune and the committee 
of public safety, which had separated previous to Thermidor, 
and which afterwards united again. This party decreased 
daily. Its dispersal and kolation more especially date from thM 
period. Under the reaction, it still formed a compact mass; 
under Babeuf, it maintained the position of a formidable 
association. From that time democrates existed, but the party 

was broken up. . j -n u « 

In the interim between the Crenelle enterprise and Babeuf s 
condemnation, the royalists also formed their conspiracy. The 
projects of the democrats produced a movement of opinion, 
contrary to that which had been manifested after Vendimiauw, 
and the counter-revolutionists in their turn became emboldened. 
The secret chiefs of this party hoped to find auxiliaries in the 
troops of the camp of Crenelle, who had repelled the Babeuf 
faction. This party, impatient and unskilful, unable to employ 
the whole of the sectionaries, as in Vendimiaire, or the mass 
of the councils, as on the i8th Fructidor, made use of three men 
without either name or influence: the abb* Brothier, the ex- 
counsellor of parliament, Lavilheumois, and a sort of adventurer, 
named Dunan. They applied at once, in all simplicity, to Malo 
for the camp of Crenelle, in order by its means to restore the 
ancient regime. Malo delivered them up to the directory, who 
transferred them to the civil tribunals, not having been able, 
as he wished, to have them tried by military commissioners. 
They were treated with much consideration by judges of their 
party, elected under the influence of Venddmiaire, and the 
sentence pronounced against them was only a short imprison- 
ment. At this period, a contest arose between all the authorities 
appointed by the sections, and the directory supported by the 
army; each taking its strength and judges wherever its party 
prevailed; the result was, that the electoral power placing itself 
at the disposition of the counter-revolution, the directory was 
compelled to introduce the army in the state; which afterwards 
gave rise to serious inconvenience. 

The directory, triumphant over the two dissentient parties, 
also triumphed over Europe. The new campaign opened 
under the most favourable auspices. Bonaparte, on arrivmg at 



Treaty of Peace 



291 



Nice, signalised his command by one of the most daring of 
invasions. Hitherto his army had hovered idly on the side 
of the Alps; it was destitute of everything, and scarcely 
amounted to thirty thousand men; but it was well provided 
with courage and patriotism; and, by their means, Bonaparte 
then commenced that world-astonishment by which he carried 
all before him for twenty years. He broke up the cantonments, 
and entered the valley of Savona, in order to march into Italy 
between the Alps and the Apennines. There were before him 
ninety thousand troops of the coalition, commanded in the centre 
by Argentau, by CoUe on the left, md Beaulieu on the right. 
TTiis immense army was dispersed in a few days by prodigies 
of genius and courage. Bonaparte overthrew the centre at 
Montenotte, and entered Piedmont; at Millesimo he entirely 
separated the Sardinian from the Austrian army. They has- 
tened to defend Turin and Milan, the capitab of their domina- 
tion. Before pursuing the Austrians, the republican general 
threw himself on the left, to cut ofi the Sardinian army. The 
fate of Piedmont was decided at Mondovi, and the terrified 
court of Turin hastened to submit. At Qierasco an armbtice 
was concluded, which was soon afterwards fr''.jwed by a treaty 
of peace, signed at Paris, on the iSth of May, 1796, between the 
republic and the king of Sardinia, who ceded Savoy and the 
counties of Nice and Tenda. The occupation of Alessandria, 
which opened the Lombard country; the demolition of the 
fortresses of Susa, and of Brunette, on the borders of France; 
the abandonment of the territory of Nice, and of Savoy, and 
the rendering available the other army of the Alps, under 
Kellermaim, was the reward of a fortnight's campaign, and 
six victories. 

War being over with Piedmont, Bonaparte marched against 
the Austrian army, to which he left no repose. He passed the 
Po at Piacenza, and the Adda at Lodi. The latter victory 
opened the gates of Milan, and secured him the possession of 
Lombardy. General Beaulieu was driven into the defiles of 
Tyrol by the republican army, which invested Mantua, and 
appeared on the mountains of the empire. General Wurmser 
came to replace Beaulieu, and a new army was sent to join the 
wrecks of the conquered one. Wurmser advanced to relieve 
Mantua, and once more make Italy the field of battle; but 
he was overpowered, like his predecessor, by Bonaparte, who, 
after having raised the blockade of Mantua, in order to oppose 
this new enemy, renewed it with increased vigour, and resumed 



292 



The French Revolution 



his positions in Tyrol. The plan of invasion was executed with 
mudi union and success. While the army of Italy threatened 
Austria b^ Tyrol, the two armies of the Meuse and Rhine entered 
Germany; Moreau, supported by Jourdan on his left, was ready 
to join Bonaparte on his right. The two armies had passed the 
Rhine at Neuwied and Strasburg, and had advanced on a front, 
drawn up in echelons to the distance of sixty leagues, driving 
back the enemy, who, while retreating before them, strove to 
impede their march and break their line. They had almost 
attained the aim of their enterprise; Moreau had entered Ulm 
and Augsburg, crossed the Ledc, and his advanced guard was 
on the extreme of the defiles of Tyrol, when Jourdan, from a 
misunderstanding, passed beyond the line, was attacked by 
the archduke Charles, and completely routed. Moreau, exposed 
on his left wing, was reduced to the necessity of retracing his 
steps, and he dien effect' d his memorable retreat. The fault 
of Jourdan was a capital one: it prevented the success of 
this vast plan of campaign, and gave respite to the Austrian 
government. 

The cabinet of Vienna, which had lost Belgium in this war, and 
which felt the importance of preserving Italy, defended it wif 
the greatest obstinacy. Wu-niser, after a new defeat, was 
obliged to throw himself inti Mantua with the wreck of his 
army. General Alvinzy, at tho head of fifty thousand Hungar- 
ians, now came to try his fortune, but was not more successful 
than Beaulieu or Wurmser. New victories were added to the 
wonders already achieved by the army of Italy, and secured the 
conquest of that country. Mantua capitulated; the republican 
troops, masters of Italy, took the route to Vienna across the 
mountains. Bonaparte had before him prince Charles, the last 
hope of Austria. He soon passed through the defiles of Tyrol, 
and entered the plains of Germany. In the meantime, the army 
of the Rhine under Moreau, and that of the Meuse under Hoche, 
successfully resumed the plan of the preceding campaign; and 
the cabinet of Vienna, in a state of alarm, concluded the truce 
of Leoben. It had exhausted all its force, and tried all its 
generals, while the French republic was in the full vigour of 
conquest. 

The army of Italy accomplished in Europe the work of the 
French revolution. This wonderful campaign was owmg to 
the union of a general of genius, and an intelligent army. Bona- 
parte had for lieutenants generals capable of commanding 
themselves, who knew how to take upon themselves the responsi- 



Bonaparte's Diplomacy 293 

bOity of a movement of a battle, and an army of citizens aU 
Kft"^ cu tivat«J mind, deep feeling. ,t Jg emS'S 
«»«^Hi~l?K •' P^^'^n^'^'y a"ad,ed to a revolution which 
Mgrandized their country, preserved their independence under 
disc.pl.ne, and wh.ch afforded an opportunity to ever^soldier 
of becommg a general. TTiere is nMhing which a liader of 

Sr?te7*^t\r '"rP'-'^'' ^t '•"* ™"- He must havi 
regretted, at this recollection of his earlier years, that he ever 
centredm himself all liberty and intelligence, that he ever c^at7d 
mechanical armies and generaU only fit to obey. ^nTr^rte 
b^ the third epoch of the war. The campai^ of 1792 tad 
been made on the old system, with dispei^d corps, acttae 
separately without abandoning their fixed line. TheTomS 
of pubhc safety concentrated the corps, made them o~e n^ 
longer merely on what was before them, but at a distance 
It hastened their movement, and directed them towards a 
m^f ~°"i, T J ^,"«P»"! did for each battle what the com- 
^™ nnVK. 5"f "■ ^'^^ =?mpaign. He brought all these 
co.ps on the determinate point, and destroyed several armies 
with a smgle one by the rapidity of his measures. Hrdis™s,^ 
of whole masses of troops at his pleasure, moved them hire ot 
there urought them forward, or kept them out of sight, had them 
who ly at his disposition, when, where, and how he pleas™ 

!„«" '" ?'^^^ tP°"*'?" °' ^^ sain a battle. His diplomacy 
was as mpjt^rly as his military science 

adhiL-n'^tn ^v!f" e^y!^"'m,nu except Venice and Genoa, had 
^Ihr w' '"n"'""' ''"* *^.* P'*P'*> *"" » favour of the 
K^^n^*^ il-Y 2°"«P*'?? --^''^^ °n the latter. He abolished 
ftedmont. which he could not conquer; transformed the 
R^7/ \»'>«'^° dependent on Austria, 'into the^W^': 
K '^ IT'^T^ ^""^' *"d the petty princeTof 
thiT r '^'"? by contributions, without dis^ssessing 

them; the pope who had signed a truce on Bonaparte's first 
uccess against B^uheu, and who did not hesitate to infringe 
^ on the arrival of Wurmser, bought peace by yielding Romagna 
Bologna, and Ferrara. which were joined to the CisaSe 
republic; lastly, the aristocracy of Venice and Genoa having 
favoured the coalition, and raised an insurrection in the rea? 
ot the army, their government was changed, and Bonaparte 
Sthaf nfT"^K-i'..'" °'?"' u° °PP°"' ^^^ P°^" °f the pwple 
too Itoly ^ ^^- **"' "^^^ ^^^ revolution penetrated 

Austria, by the preliminaries of Leoben, ceded Belgium to 



294 



The French Revolution 



France, and recognised the Lombard republic. All the lUhed 
powers had laid down their arms, and even England asked to 
treat France, peaceable and free at home, had on her borders 
attained her natural Umits, and was surrounded with nsing 
republics, such as Holland, Lombardy, and Ln^na, wluch 
ffiMirded her sides and extended her system m Europe. The 
Coalition was little disposed to assail anew a revolution, aU U»e 
Bovemments of which were victorious; that of anarchy after 
the loth of August, of the dictatorship after the 31st of May, and 
of legal authority under the directory; a revolution, which, at 
ever? new hostility, advanced a step further upon European 
territory. In 179a, it had only extended to Belgium; m 1794, 
it had reached Holland and the Rhine; in 1796, had reached 
Italy, and entered Germany. If it continued its progress, the 
coafition had reason to fear that it would carry its conquesU 
further. Everything seemed prepared for general p«ice. 

But the situation of the directory was materially changed by 
the elections of the year V. (May, 1797)- Thw* elections, by 
introducing, in a legal way, the royalist party into the legis- 
lature and gov-mment, brought agam mto question what the 
conflict of Vendimiaire had decided. Up to this period, a good 
understanding had existed between the dirwtory and the 
councils. Composed of conventionalists, united by a common 
interest, and the necessity of establishiijg the "Pubjio. ^^ 
having been blown about by the wmds of aU parties, they had 
manifested much good-will in their intercourse, and much union 
in their measures. The councils had yielded to the various 
demands of the directory; and, with the exception of a few 
slight modifications, they had approved its projects concemmg 
ibe finance and the administration, its conduct with regard 
to the conspiracies, the armies, and Europe. The anti-conven- 
tional minority had formed an opposition m the councils; but 
this opposition, while waiting the reinforcement of a new third, 
had but cautiously contended against the policy of the director)-. 
At its head were Barbi-Marbois, Pastoret, Vaublanc, Dumas, 
Portalis, Simeon, Tron^on-Ducoudray, Dupont de Nemours, 
most of them members of the Right in the l^islative assembly, 
and some of them avowed royalists. Their position soon became 
less equivocal and more aggressive, by the addition of those 
members elected in the year V. . , . »■ 

The royalists formed a formidable and active confederation, 
having its leaders, agents, budgets, and joum^. They 
excluded republicans from the elections, mfluenced the masses, 



Hostilities Against the Directory 295 

who always foltow the most energetic party, and whose banner 
they momentarily auume. They would not even admit patriots 
of the first epoch, and only elected decided counter-revolutionists 
or equivocal constitutionalisu. The republican party was then 
placed m the government and in the army; the royalist party 
in the electoral assemblies and the councils. 

On the ist Prairial, year V. (aoth May), the two councils 
opened their sittings. From the heginnmg they manifested 
the spirit which actuated them. Pichegru, whom the royalists 
transferred on to the new field of battle of the counter-revolu- 
tion, was enthusiastically elected presid-mt of the council dii 
jeunes. Barb^-Marbois had given him, with the same eagerness, 
the presidentship of the elder council. The legislative body 
proceeded to appoint a director to replace Letoumeur, who, on 
the 30th Flortel, had been fixed on by ballot as the retiring 
member. Their choice fell on Barthflemy, the ambassador to 
Switzerland, whose moderate views and attachment to peace 
suited the councils and Europe, but who was scarcely adapted 
for the government of the republic, owing to his absence from 
France during all the revolution. 

These first hostilities against the directory and the conven- 
tional party were followed by more actual attacks. Its ud- 
nunistration and policy were now attacked without scruple. 
The directory had done all it had been able to do by a legal 
government in a situation still revolutionary. It was blamed 
for continuing the war and for the disorder of the financial 
department. The legislative majority skilfully turned its 
attention to the public wants; it supported the entire liberty 
of the press, which allowed journalists to attack the directory, 
and to prepare the way for another system; it supported peace 
because it would lead to the disarming of the republic, and lastly 
It supported economy. 

These demands were in one sense useful and national. France 
was weary, and felt the need of all these things in order to com- 
plete Its social restoration; accordingly, the nation half adopted 
the views of the royalists, but from entirely different motives. 
It saw with rather more anxiety the measures adopted by the 
councils relative to priests and emigrants. A pacification was 
desired; but the nation did not wish that the conquered foes of 
the revolution should return triumphant. The councils passed 
the laws with regard to them wi :, great precipitation. They 
justly abolished the sentence of transportation or imprisonment 
agamst pnests for matters of religion or mcivism; but they 



296 



The French Revolution 



wished to restore the ancient prerogatives of their form o« 
worship; to render Catholicism, already re-establ ihed, out- 
wardly manifest by the use of bells, and to exempt pnestt 
from the oath of public functionaries. Camille Jordan, a young 
Lyonnais deputy, full of eloquence and courage, but profesiing 
unreasonable opinions, was the principal panegyrist of the 
clergy in the younger council. The speech which he dehyerec 
on this subject excited great surprise and violent opposition. 
The little enthusiasm that remaini d was still entirely patriotic, 
and all were astonished at witnessing the revival of another 
enthusiasm, that of religion: the last century and the revolution 
had made men entirely unaccustomed to it, and prevented them 
from understanding it. This was the moment when the old 
party revived its creed, introduced its language, and mingled 
them with the creed and language of the reform party, which 
had hitherto prevailed alone. The result was, as is usual with 
all that is unexpected, an unfavourable and ridiculous impression 
against Camille Jordan, who was nicknamed Jordan-Carillon, 
Jordan-les-Cloches. The attempt of the protectors of the clergy 
did not, however, succeed; and the council of five hundred did 
not venture as yet to pass a decree for the use of bells, or to 
make the priests independent. After some hesitation, the 
moderate party joined the directorial party, and supported 
the civic oath with cries of " Vive la Ripubliquel " 

Meantime, hostilities continued against the directory, especi- 
all) in the council of five hundred, which was more zealous and 
impatient than that of the ancients. All this greatly emboldened 
the royalist faction in the interior. The counter-revolutionary 
reprisals against the patriots, and those who 1^ acquired 
national property, were renewed. Emigrant and dissentient 
priests returned in crowds, and being unable to endure anything 
savouring of the revolution, they did not conceal their projects 
for its overthrow. The directorial authority, threatened in 
the centre, and disowned in the departments, became wholly 
Dowcrlcss. 

But the necessity of defence, the anxiety of all men who were 
devoted to the directory, and especiaUy to the revolution, gave 
courage and support to the government. The aggressive pro- 
gress of the councils brought their attachment to the republic 
into suspicion; and the mass, which had at first supported, now 
forsook them. The constitutionalists of 1791, and the directonal 
party formed an alliance. The club of Salm, established under 
the auspices of this alliance, was opposed to the club of Clichy, 



Attitude of the Revolutionary Parties 297 

«Wch for R long time had been the rendeivou* of the mott 
mfluential members of the councils. The directory, while it 
tad recoune to opinion, did not neglect iu principal force 
—the support of the troops. It brought near Paris several 
regiments of the army of the Sambre-et-Meuse, commanded by 
Hoche. The constitutional radius of six myriametres (twelve 
leagues), which the troops could not legally pass, was violated • 
and the councils denounced this violation to the directory, which 
feigned an ignorance, wholly disbelieved, and made very weak 
excuses. ' 

The two parties wen watching each other. One had its 
posts at the directory, at the club of Satm, and in the army, the 
o«»er, m the councils, at Clicky, and in the salons of the royalists 
The mass were spectators. Each of the two parties was dis- 
posed to act in a revolutionary manner towards the other. An 
mtennediate constitutional and conciliatory party tried to 
iwevent the strunle, and to bring about an union, which was 
^together impossible. Camot was at its head : a few members 
of the younger council, directed by Thibaudeau, and a tolerably 
large number of the Ancients, seconded his projects of modera- 
tion. Camot, who, at that period, was the director of the 
constitution, with Barthilemy, who w.-is the director of the 
legislature, ftirmed a minority in the government. Carrot, 
very austere in his conduct and very obstinate in his views^ 
could not agree either with Barras or with the imperious Rew- 
bell. To this opposition of character was then added difference 
of system. Barras and Rewbell, supported by La Riveillire, 
were not at all averse to a coup-d'<tat against the councils' 
while Camot wished strictly to follow the law. This great 
citiisn, at each epoch of the revolution, had perfectly seen the 
mode of government which suited it, and his opinion immediately 
became a fixed idea. Under the committee of public safety 
the dictatorship was his fixed system, and under the directory,' 
legal government. Recognising no difference of situation, he 
found himself placed in an equivocal position; he wished for 
peace m a moment of war; and for law, in a moment of coups- 
detat. '^ 

The councils, somewhat alarmed at the preparations of the 
du*ctory, seemed to make the dismissal of a few ministers, 
m whom they placed no confidence, the price of reconciliation! 
These were. Merlin de Douai, the minister of justice ; Delacrouc, 
muiister of foreign affairs; and Ramel, minister of finance. On 
the other hand they desired to retain Pitiet as minister of war. 



298 The French Revolution 

Btefaech as minister of the interior, and Cochon de Uppaient 
^minister of police. TTie legislative body, in default of 
directorial powerV wished to make sure of the -"f^try Far 
from falling in with this wish, which would have introduced the 
Tr^my into%he government, Rewbell, La R^veiU^re and Ba»rr^ 
dismissed the ministers protected by Uie <:<»"?"l''^'','?*^°^f 
the others. Btefeech was replaced by Fran|ois de Neufchateau 
Pitiet by Hoche, and soon afterwards by ScMrer; CoAon de 
Lapparent, by Lenoir-Laroche; and Lenoir-Laroche, who^ 
too little decision, by Sotin. Talleyrand likewise, formed part 
oUhis ministry. He had been struck ofi the list of emigrant, 
from the close of the conventional session, as a revolutionist of 
1701 ; and hb great sagacity, which ^ways placed him with the 
party having the greatest hope of victory, mad. h.rn, a thvs 
~riod. a directorial republican. He held tiie po^f" '» <« 
Delacroix, and he contributed very much, by his counsels and 
his daring, to the events of Fructidor. ~. .• ^„, 

War now appeared more and more inevitable The directory 
did not wish for a reconciliation, which, at the best, would only 
have postponed its downfaU and that of the republic to Ae 
elections of the year VI. It caused threatenmg addresses 
Wdnst the councils to be sent from the armies Bonaparte had 
v^ched with an anxious eye the events which were prepwing 
ta Paris. Though intimate with Camot, and corresponding 
directly with him, he had sent Lavalette, his aid-de-camp to 
furnish him with an account of the divisions m the government, 
and the intrigues and conspiracies with which xt was beset. 
Bonaparte had promised the directory the support of his army, 
^ caTof actual danger. He sent Augereau to Pans with 
SdreTses from his troops. "Tremble, royalists!" said th 
soldiers. '■ From the Adige to the Seme is but a step. Tremble 
your iniquities are numbered; and their '•?<:°?>f .n^. j^ » *^ 
end of our bayonets."-" We have observed with indignation, 
said the staff, " the intrigues of royalty threatening liberty. Bv 
the manes of the heroes slain for our country, we have sworn 
tapZTble war against royalty and royal-sts^ Such „e our 
sentiments; they are yours, and those of all Patnots Let th 
loyalists show themselves, and their days are numbered. IT. 
coScils protested, but in vain, against these deliberations of u. 
^y. General Richepanse, who commanded the troops arrive 
from the army of the Sambre-et-Meuse, stationed them a. 
Versailles, Meudon, and Vincennes. 
•ae councils had been assailants in Prainal, but as the success 



War Appears Inevitable 299 

of their cause might be put off to the year VI., when it might 
take place without risk or combat, they keot on the defensive 
after Thermidor (July, 1797). They, Ko.cvcr, then made 
every preparation for the contest: th> / gave oider. that the 
constitutional circles should be closed, w .\h x Wew to r,itting rid 
of the club of Salm ; they also increi'sci the pov. ;rs of the 
commission of inspectors of the hall, which 'oc».j.ii!e the govern- 
ment of the legislative body, and of which the two royalist 
conspirators, Willot and Pichegru, formed part. The guard of 
the councik, which was under the control of the directory, was 
placed under the immediate orders of the inspectors of the hall. 
At last, on the 17th Fructidor, the legislative body thought 
of procuring the assistance of the militia of Vendemiaire, and 
it decreed, on the motion of Pichegru, the formation of the 
national guard. On the following day, the i8th, this measure 
was to be executed, and the councils were by a decree to order 
the troops to remove to a distance. They had reached a point 
that rendered a new victory necessary to decide the great 
struggle of the revolution and the ancient system. The im- 
petuous general, Willot, wished them to take the initiative, 
to decree the impeachment of the three directors, Barras, Rew- 
beU, and La RiveillAre; to cause the other two to join the legis- 
lative body; if the government refused to obey, to sound the 
tocsin, and march with the old sectionaries against the directory; 
to place Pichegru at the head of this legal insurrection, and to 
execute all these measures promptly, boldly, and at mid-day. 
Piche^ is said to have hesitated; and the opinion of the 
undecided prevailing, the tardy course of legal preparations 
was adopted. 

It was not, however, the same with the directory. Barras, 
Rewbell, and La Riveillire determined instantly to attack 
Camot, Barth^lemy, and the legislative majority. The morning 
of the i8th was fixed on for the execution of this coup-d'itat. 
During the night, the troops encamped in the neighbourhood of 
Paris, entered the city under the command of Augereau. It 
was the design of the directorial triumvirate to occupy the 
Tuileries with troops before the assembling of the legislative 
body, in order to avoid a violent expulsion; to convoke the 
councib in the nei^bourhood of the Luxembourg, after having 
arrested their principal leaders, and by a legislative measure 
CO accomplish a coup-d'itat begun by force. It was in agree- 
ment with the minority of the councils, and relied on the approba- 
tion of the mass. The troops reached the Hotel de Ville at one 



300 



The French Revolution 



in the morning, spread themselves over the quays, the bridges, 
and the Champs Eiysies, and before long, twelve thousand men 
and forty pieces of cannon surrounded the Tuileries. At four 
o'clock the alarm-shot was fired, and Augereau presented himself 
at the gate of the Pont-Toumant. 

The guard of the legislative body was under arms. The 
inspectors of the hall, apprised the night before of the movement 
in preparation, had repaired to the national palace (the Tuileries), 
to defend the entrance. Ramel, commander of the l^jislative 
guard, was devoted to the councils, and he had stationed his 
eight hundred grenadiers in the different avenues of the garden, 
shut in by gates. But Pichegru, Willot, and Ramel, could 
not resist the directory with thb small and uncertain force. 
Augereau had no need even to force the passage of the Pont- 
Toumant: as soon as he came before the grenadiers, he cried 
out, "Are you republicans? " The latter lowered their arms 
and replied, " Vive Augereau ! Vive le directoire ! " and joined 
him. Augereau traversed the garden, entered the hall of the 
councils, arrested Pichegru, Willot, Ramel, and all the inspectors 
of the hall, and had them conveyed to the Temple. The mem- 
bers of the councils, convoked in haste by the inspectors, 
repaired in crowds to their place of sitting; but they were 
arrested or refused admittance by the armed force. Augereau 
announced to them that the directory, urged by the necessity 
of defending the republic from the conspirators among them, 
had assigned the Odfen and the School of Medicine for the place 
of their sittings. The greater part of the deputies present 
exclaimed against military violence and the dictatorial usurpa- 
tion, but they were obliged to yield. 

At six in the morning this expedition was terminated. The 
people of Paris, on awaking, found the troops still under arms, 
and the walls placarded with proclamations announcing the 
discovery of a formidable conspiracy. The people were ex- 
horted to observe order and confidence. The directory had 
printed a letter of general Moreau, in which he announced in 
detail the plots of his predecessor Pichegru with the emigrants, 
and another letter from the prince de Condi to Imbert Colomis, 
a member of the Ancients. The entire population remained 
quiet; they were mere spectators of an event brought about 
without the interference of parties, and by the assistance of the 
army only. They displayed neither approbation nor regret. 

The directory felt the necessity of legalizing, and more 
especially of terminating, this extraordinary act. As soon as 



Law of Transportation Adopted 301 

the members of the five hundred, and of the ancients, were 
assembled at the Odfon and the School of Medicine in sufficient 
numbers to debate, they determined to sit permanently. A 
message from the directory announced the motive which had 
actuated all its measures. "Citizens, legislators," ran the 
message, " if the directory had delayed another day, the repubUc 
would have been given up to its enemies. The very place of 
your sittings was the rendezvous of the conspirators: from 
thence they yesterday distributed their plans and orders for the 
delivery of arms; from thence they corresponded last night with 
their accomplices; lastly, from thence, or in the neighbourhood 
they again endeavoured to raise clandestine and seditious 
assemblies, which the police at this moment are employed in 
dispersing. We should have compromised the public welfare, 
and that of its faithful representatives, had we suffered them 
to remain confounded with the foes of the country in the den of 
conspiracy." 

The younger council appointed a commission, composed 
of Sieyis, Poulain-Granpr^, Villers, Chazal, and Boulay de la 
Meurthe, deputed to present a law of public safety. The law 
was a measure of ostracism; only transportation was substi- 
tuted for the scaffold in this second revolutionary and dicta- 
torial period. 

The members of the five hundred sentenced to transportation 
were: Aubry, J. J. Aim6, Bayard, Blain, Boissy d'Anglas, 
Borne, Bourdon de I'Oise, Cadroy, Couchery, Delahaye, Delarue, 
Doumire, Dumolard, Duplantier, Gibert DesmoliAres, Henri 
La Riviire, Imbert-Colomds, Camille Jordan, Jourdan (des 
Bouches-du-Rh6ne) Gall, La Carriire, Lemarchand-Gomicourt, 
Lem^rer, Mersan, Madier, Maillard, Noailles, Andri, Mac-Cartin, 
Pavie, Pastoret, Pichegru, PoUssard, Praire-Montaud, Quatre- 
mire-Quincy, Saladin, Simton, Vauvilliers, Vienot-Vaublanc, 
Villaret-Joyeuse, Willot. In the council of ancients: Barbi- 
Marbois, Dumas, Ferraud-Vaillant, Lafond-Ladebat, Laumont. 
Muraire, Murinais, Paradis, Portalis, Rovire, Tron9on-Ducou- 
dray. In the directory: Camot and Barthilemy. They also 
condemned the abb* Brottier, Lavilleheumois, Dunan, the 
ex-minister of police, Cochon, the ex-agent of the police 
Dossonville, generals Miranda and Morgan; the journalist, 
Suard; the ex-conventionalist, Mailhe; and the commandant, 
Ramel. A few of the proscribed succeeded in evading the 
decree of exile; Carnot was among the number. Most of them 



302 



The French Revolution 



I 



were transported to Cayenne; but a great many did not leave 
the Isle of R£. 

The directory greatly extended this set of ostracism. The 
authors of thirty-five journals were included in the sentence of 
transportation. It wished to strike at once all the avenues of 
the republic in the councils, in the press, in the electoral assem- 
blies, the departments, in a word, wherever they had introduced 
themselves. The elections of forty-eight departments were 
annulled, the laws in favour of priests and emigrants were 
revoked, and soon afterwards the disappearance of all who had 
swayed in the departments since the 9th Thermidor raised the 
spirits of the cast-down republican p|Mty. The coup-d'4tat of 
Fhictidor was not purely central; like the victory of Vendi- 
miaire; it ruined the royalist party, which had only been 
repulsed by the preceding defeat. But, by again replacing the 
legal government by the dictatorship, it rendered necessary 
another revolution, which shall be recounted later. 

We may say, that on the i8th Fructidor of the year V. it was 
necessary that the directory should triumph over the counter- 
revolution by decimating the councils; or that the councils 
should triumph over the republic by overthrowing the directory. 
Ihe question thus stated, it remains to inquire, 1st, if the 
directory could have conquered by any other means than a 
coup-d'<tat; jndly.whether it misused its victory? 

The govenmicnt had not the power of dissolving the councils. 
At the termination of a revolution, whose object was to establish 
the extreme right, they were unable to invest a secondary 
authority with the ontrci of the sovereignty of the people, and 
in certain cases to make the legislature subordinate to. the 
directory. This concession of an experimental policy not 
existing, what means remained to the directory of driving the 
enemy from the heart of the state? No longer able to defend 
the revolution by virtue of the law, it had no resource but the 
dictatorship; but in having recourse to that, it broke the con- 
ditions of its existence; and while saving the revolution, it soon 
fell itseif . 

As for its victory, it sullied it with violence, by endeavouring 
to make it too complete. The sentence of transportation was 
extended to too many victims ; the petty passions of men mingled 
with the defence of the cause, and the directory did not manifest 
that reluctance to arbitrary measures which is the only justifica- 
tion of coups-d'£tat. To attain its object, it should have exiled 



Fourth Defeat of the Royalists 303 

the leading conspirators only; but it rarely happens that a 
party does not abuse the dictatorship; and that, possessing the 
power, it believes not in the dangers of indulgence. The defeat 
of the i8th Fhictidor was the fourth of the royalist party; 
two took place in order to dispossess it of power, those of the 
14th of July and loth of August; two to prevent its resuming 
it; those of the 13th Vendimiaire and i8th Fructidor. This 
repetition of powerless attempts and protracted reverses did not 
a little contribute to the submission of this party under the 
consulate and the empire. 



304 



The French Revolution 



CHAPTER XIII 

FROM THE i8tH FRUCTIDOR, IN THE YEAR V. (4TH OF SEPTEMBER, 
1797), TO THE i8TH BRUMAIRE, IN THE YEAR VIII. (9TH OF 
NOVEMBER, 1799) 

The chief result of the iSth Fructidor was a return, with slight 
mitigation, to the revolutionary government. The two ancient 
privileged classes were again excluded from society; the dissen- 
tient priests were again banished. The Chouans, and former 
fugitives, who occupied the field of battle in the departments, 
abandoned it to the old republicans: those who had formed 
part of the military household of the Bourbons, the superior 
ofF.ctrs of the crown, the members of the parliaments, com- 
manders of the order of the Holy Ghost and Saint Louis, the 
knights of Malta, all those who had protested against the 
abolition of nobility, and who had preserved its titles, were to 
quit the territory of the republic. The ci-devant nobles, or 
those ennobled, could only enjoy the rights of citizens, after a 
term of seven years, and after having gone through a sort of 
apprenticeship as Frenchmen. This party, by desiring sway, 
restored the dictatorship. 

At this period the directory attained its maximum of power; 
for some time it had no enemies in arms. Delivered from all 
internal opposition, it imposed the continental peace on Austria 
by the treaty of Campo-Formio, and on the empire by the con- 
gress of Rastadt. The treaty of Campo-Formio was more 
advantageous to the cabinet of Vienna than the preliminaries 
of Leoben. Its Belgian and Lombard states were paid for by 
a part of the Venetian states. This old republic was divided; 
France retained the Ionian Isles, and gave the city of Venice 
and the provinces of Istria and Dalmatia to Austria. In this 
the directory committed a great fault, and was guilty of an 
attempt against liberty. In the fanaticism of a system, we 
may desire to set a country free, but we should never give it 
away. By arbitrarily distributing the territory of a small state, 
the directory set the bad example of this traffic in nations since 
but too much followed. Besides, Austrian dominion would, 
sooner or later, extend in Italy, through this imprudent cession 
of Venice. 

The coalition of 1792 and 1793 was dissolved; England was 



Bonaparte's Reception in Paris 305 

the only remaining belligerent power. The cabinet of London 
was not at all disposed to cede to France, which it had attacked 
in the ho;e of weakening it, Belgium, Luxembourg, the left 
bank of the Rhine, Porentruy, Nice, Savoy, the protectorate of 
Genoa, Milin, and Holland. But finding it necessary to appease 
the English opposition, and reorganize its means of attack, it 
made propaitions of peace; it sent Lord Malmesbury as plenipo- 
tentiary, firt to Paris, then to Lille. But the offers of Pitt not 
being sincert, the directory did not allow itself to be deceived by 
his diplomatc stratagems. The negotiations were twice broken 
off, and war ontinued between the two powers. While England 
n^otiated at Lille, she was preparing at Saint Petersburg the 
triple alliance or second coalition. 

The directory, on its side, without finances, without any 
party in the irterior, having no support but the army, and no 
eminence save )hat derived from the continuation of its victories, 
was not in a ctndition to consent to a general peace. It had 
increased the piblic discontent by the establishment of certain 
taxes and the r>duction of the debt to a consolidated third, 
payable in specie only, which had ruined the fundholders. It 
became necessar> to maintain itself by war. The immense 
body of soldiers coild not be disbanded without danger. Besides, 
being deprived of ts power, and being placed at the mercy of 
Europe, the directoiy liad attempted a thing never done without 
creatmg a shock, exiept in times of great tranquillity, of great 
ease, abundance, ana employment. The directory was driven 
by its position to the hvasion of Switzerland and the expedition 
into Egypt. 

Bonaparte had thei returned to Paris. The conqueror of 
Italy and the pacificatir of the continent,, was received with 
enthusiasm, constrained m the part of the directory, but deeply 
felt by the people. Hoiours were accorded him, never yet 
obtained by any general rf the republic. A patriotic altar was 
prepared in the Luxemboug, and he passed under an arch of 
standards won in Italy, on ?is way to the triumphal ceremony 
in his honour. He was har»igued by Barras, president of the 
directory, who, after congratdating him on his victories, iri'/ited 
him " to crown so noble a lift by a conquest which the great 
country owed to its insulted dignity." This was the conquest 
of England. Everything seemed in preparation for a de.scent, 
while the invasion of Egypt was leally the enterprise in view. 

Such an expedition suited both Bonaparte and the directory. 
The independent conduct of that ^neral in Italy, his ambition. 



3o6 



The French Revolution 






which, from time to time, burst through bit studied simplicity, 
rendered his presence dangerous. He, on his side, feared, by 
his inactivity, to compromise the alr«Mly high ophion enter- 
tained of his talents: for men always require from '.hose whom 
th^ make great, more than they are able to perfarra. Thus, 
while the directory saw in the expedition to Egyjt the means 
of keeping a formidable general at a distance, ard a prospect 
of attacking the English by India, Bonaparte saw ii it a gigantic 
conception, an employment suited to his taste, am a new means 
of astonishing mankmd. He sailed from Touloi on the 30th 
Flortel, in the year VI. (19th May, 1798), with a fleet of four 
hundred sail, and a portion of the army of Itay; he steered 
for Malta; of which he made himself master, aid from thence 
to Egypt. 

The directory, who violated the neutrality jf the Ottoman 
Porte in order to attack the English, had already violated that 
of Switzerland, in order to expel the emigrants *om its territory. 
French opinions had already penetrat^ into Geneva and the 
Pays de Vaud; but the policy of the Swiss confederation was 
counter-revolutionary, from the influence of the aristocracy of 
Berne. They had driven from the cantons all the Swiss who 
had shown themselves partisans of the French republic. Berne 
was the headquarters of the emigrants, a»d it was there that 
all the plots against the revolution were fo-med. The directory 
complamed, but did not receive satisfaction. The Vaudois, 
placed by old treaties under the protection of France, invoked 
her help against the tyranny of Berne. This appeal of the 
Vaudois, its own grievances, its desire ;o extend the directorial 
republican system to Switzerland, muoii more than the tempta- 
tion of seizing the little amount of treaure in Berne, a reproach 
brought against it by some, determhed the directory. * Some 
conferences took place, which led tc no result, and war began. 
The Swiss defended themselves with nuch courage and obstinacy, 
and hoped to resuscitate the time* of their ancestors, but they 
succumbed. Geneva was united to France, and Switzerland 
exchanged its ancient constituton for that of the year III. 
From that time two parties exited in the confederation, one 
of which was for France and toe revolution, the other for the 
counter-revolution and Austra. Switzerland ceased to be a 
common barrier, and became the high road of Europe. 

This revolution had been fiUowed by that of Rome. General 
Duphot was killed at Romt in a riot; and in punishment of 
this assassination, which ^e pontifical government had not 



The Directory Preponderant 307 

interfered to prevent, Rome was changed into a republic. All 
this combiner to complete the system of the directory, and make 
it prepondeiant in Europe; it was now at the head of the Helve- 
tian, Batavan, Ligurian, Cisalpine, and R man republics, all 
constructed on the same model. But while the directory ex- 
tended its ii^uence abroad, it was again menaced by internal 
parties. 

The elections of Flor^ in the year VI. (May, 1798) were by 
no means favourable to the directory; the returns were quite 
at variance with those of the year V. Since the i8th Fructidor, 
the withdrawal of the counter-revolutionists had restored all 
the influence of the exclusive republican party, which had re- 
established the clubs under the name of Constitutional Circles. 
This party dominated in the electoral assemblies, which, most 
unusually, had to nominate four hundred and thirty-seven 
deputies: two hundred and ninety-eight for the council of five 
hundred; a hundred and thirty-nine for that of the ancients. 
When the elections drew near, the directory exclaimed loudly 
against the anartkists. But its proclamations having been 
unable to prevent democratic returns, it decided upon annulling 
them in virtue of a law, by which the councils, after the i8tb 
Fructidor, had granted it the power of judging the operations of 
the electoral assembles. It invited the legislative body, by a 
message, to appoint a commission of five members for that 
purpose. On the jjnd Flor^al, the elections were for the most 
part annulled. At this period the directorial party struck a 
blow at the extreme republicans, as nine months before it had 
aimed at the royalists. 

The directory wished to maintain the political balance, which 
had been the characteristic of its first two years; but its position 
was much changed. Since its last coup-d'itat, it could no 
longer be an impartial government, because it was no longer a 
constitutional government. With these pretensions of isolation, 
it dissatisfied every one. Yet it lived on in this way till the 
elections of the year VII. It displayed much activity, but 
an activity of a narrow and shuffling nature. Merlin de Douai 
and Treilhard, who had replaced Camot and Barthelimy, were 
two political lawyers. Rewbell had in the highest degree the 
courage, without having the enlarged views of a statesman. 
Lar£veilMre was too much occupied with the sect of the Theo- 
philanthropists for a government leader. As to Barras, he 
continued his dissipated life aad his directorial regency; his 
palace was the rendezvous of gamesters, women of gallantry. 



3o8 



The French Revolution 



and stock-jobbers of every kind. The administration of the 
directora betrayed their character, but more especially their 
position; to the embarrassments of which was added war with 
all Europe. 

While the republican plenipotentiaries were yet negotiating 
for peace with the empire at Rastadt, the second coilition began 
the campaign. The treaty of Campo-Formio had only been 
for Austria a suspension of arms. England had no difficulty 
m gammg her to a new coaluion; with the exception of Spain 
and Prussa, most of the European powers formed part of it. 
The subsidies of the British cabinet, and the attraction of the 
West, decided Russia; the Porte and the states of Barbary 
acceded to it, because of the invasion of Egypt; the empire, 
m order to recover the left bank of the Rhuie. and the petty 
pnnces of Italy, that they might destroy the new republics. 
At Rastadt they were discussmg the treaty relative to the 
empire, the concession of tht '.eft bank of the Rhine, the navi- 
gation of that river, and th<! demolition of some fortresses on the 
right bank, when the Russians entered Germany, and the 
Austrian army began to move. The French plenipotentiaries, 
taken by surprise, received orders to leave m four and twenty 
hours; they obeyed immediately, and set out, after having 
obtained safe conduct from the generals of the enemy. At a 
short distance from Rastadt they were stopoed by some Austrian 
hussars, who, having satisfied themselves as to their names and 
btles, assassinated them: Bonnier and Roberjot were killed, 
Jem de Bry was left for dead. This unheard-of violation of the 
Tight of nations, this premeditated assassination of three men 
mvested with a sacred character, excited general horror. The 
legislative body declared war, and declared it wilh indignation 
against the governments on whom the guilt of this enonmty fell. 
Hostilities had already commenced in Italy and on the Rhine. 
The directory, apprised of the march of the Russian troops, 
and suspecting the intentions of Austria, caused the councils 
to pass a law for recruiting. The military conscription placed 
two hundred thousand young men at the disposal of the republic. 
This law, which was attended with incalculable consequences, 
was the result of a more regular order of things. Levies en 
masse had been the revolutionary service of the country; the 
conscription became the legal service. 

The most impatient of the powers, those which formed the 
advanced guard of the coalition, had already commenced the 
attack. The kmg of Naples had advanced on Rome, and the 



Decline of the Directory 309 

king of Sardinia had raised troops and threatened the Ligurian 
republic. As they had not sufficient power to sustain the shock 
of the French armies, they were easily conquered and dispos- 
sessed. General Championnet entered Naples after a sanguinary 
victory. The lazaroni defended the interior of the town for 
three days; but they yielded, and the Parthenopian lepublic 
was proclaimed. General Joubert occupied Turin; and the 
whole of Italy was in the hands of the French, when the new 
campaign b^n. 

The coalition was superior to the republic in effective force 
and in preparations. It attacked it by the three great openings 
of Italy, Switzerland, and Holland. A strong Austrian army 
debouched in the duchy of Mantua; it defeated Scherer twice 
on the Adige, and was soon joined by the whimsical and hitherto 
victorious Suvorov. Moreau replaced Scherer, and, like him, 
was beaten; he retreated towards Genoa, in order to keep the 
barrier of the Apennines and to join the army of Naples, com- 
manded by Macdonald, which was overpowered at the Trebia. 
The Austro-Russians then directed their chief forces upon 
Switzerland. A few Russian corps joined the archduke Charles, 
who had defeated Jourdan on the Upper Rhine, and was pre- 
paring to pass over the Helvetian barrier. At the same time 
the duke of York disembarked in Holland with forty thousand 
Anglo-Russians. The small republics which protected Franc* 
were invaded, and a few more victories would have enabled 
the confederates to penetrate even to the scene of the 
revolution. 

In the midst of these military disasters and the discontent 
of parties, the elections of Flor&il in the year VII. (May, 1799) 
took place; they were republican, like those of the preceding 
year. The directory was no longer strong enough to contend 
with public misfortunes and the rancour of parties. The retire- 
ment of Rewbell, who was replaced by Sieyis, caused it to lose 
the only man able to face the storm, and brought into its bosom 
the most avowed antagonist of this compromised and worn-out 
government. The moderate party and the extreme republicans 
united in demanding from the directory an account of the internal 
and external situation of the republic. The councils sat per- 
manently. Barias abandoned his colleagues. The fury of the 
councils was directed solely against Treilhard, Merlin, and La 
RiveilWre, the last supports of the old directory. They deposed 
Treilhard, because an interval of a year had not elapsed between 
his legislative and his directorial functions, as the constitution 



310 



The French Revolution 



required. The ex-minister of justice, Gohier, was immediately 
chos'-n to replace him. 

T ^d! °?,"'" "' *'"' counciU then warmly attacked Merlin and 
La K«veillAre, whom they could not dismiss from the directory. 
The threatened directors sent a justificatory message to the 
councils, and proposed peace. On the 30th Prairial, the republi- 
can Bertrand (du Calvados) ascended the tribune, and after 
examming the offers of the directors, exclaimed: " Vou have 
proposed union; and I propose that you reflect if you your- 
selves can still preserve your functions. If you love the repubUc 
you will not hesitate to decide. You are incapable of doing 
good; you will never have the confidence of your colleaguM, 
that of the people, or that of the representatives, without which 
you cannot cause the laws to be executed. I know that, thanks 
to the constitution, there already exists in the directory a 
majority which enjoys the confidence of the people, and that of 
the national representation. Why do you hesiute to introduce 
unanimity of desires and principles between the two first 
authorities of the republic? You have not even the confidence 
of those vile flatterers, who have dug your political tomb. 
Fmish your career by an act of devotion, which good republican 
hearts will be able to appreciate." 

Merlin and La RiveilWre, deprived of the support of the 
government by the retirement of Rewbell, the dismissal of 
Treilhard, and the desertion of Banas, urged by the councils 
and by patnotic motives, yielded to circumstances, and resigned 
the directorial authority. This victory, gained by the repSbU- 
2?'i."'V"°*'"*** parties combined, turned to the profit of 
both. The former introduced general Moulins into the directory • 
the latter, Roger Ducos. The 30th Prairial (i8th June), which 
witnessed the breaking up of the old government of the year III 
was an act of reprisal on the part of the councils against the 
directory for the i8th Fructidorand the itnd FloTiaX. At this 
penod the two great powers of the state had each in turn violated 
the constitution: the directory by decimating the legislature- 
the legislature by expelling the directory. This form of govern- 
ment, which every party complained of, could not have a 
protracted existence. 

Sieyfa, after the success of the 30th Prairial, laboured to 
destroy what yet remamed of the government of the year III 
m order to establish the legal system on another plan. He was 
whunsical and systematic; but he had the faculty of judging 
surely of situations. He re-entered upon the scene of the revoluh 



Sieyit Appointed Director 3 1 1 

tion of a (inguUr epoch, with the intention of strengthening 
it by k definitive constitution. After having co-opented in 
die principal chanses of 1789, by his motion of the 17th of June, 
which transformed the sutes-general into a national assembly, 
and by his plan of internal organization, which substituted 
departments for provinces, he hMl remained passive and silent 
during the subsequent interval. He waited till the period of 
public defence should again give place to institutions. Ap- 
pointed, under the directory, to the embassy at Berlin, the 
neutrality of Prussia was attributed to his efforts. On his 
return, he accepted the office of director, hitherto refused by 
him, because Rewbell was leaving the government, and he 
thought that parties were sufficiently weary to undertake a 
definitive pacification, and the establishment of liberty. With 
this object, he placed his reliance on Roger-Ducosin thedirectory , 
on the council of ancients in the legislature, and without, on the 
mass of moderate men and the middle-class, who, after desiring 
laws, merely as a novelty, now desired repose as a novelty. 
This party sought for a strong and secure government, which 
should have no past, no enmities, and which thenceforward 
might satisfy all opinions and interests. As all that had been 
d«ne, from the 14th of July till the 9th Thermidor, by the 
people, in connexion with a part of the government, had been 
done since the 13th Vend^miaire by the soldiers, Sieyis was 
in want of a general. He cast his eyes upon Joubert, who was 
lUt at the head of the army of Italy, in order that he might ^in 
ly his victories, and by the deliverance of Italy, a great political 
importance. 

The constitution of the year III. was, however, still supported 
by the two directors, Gohier and Moulins, the council of five 
hundred, and without, by the party of the Manige. The 
decided republicans had formed a club that held its sittings in 
that hall where had sat the first of our assemblies. The new 
club, formed from the remains of that of Salm, before the i8th 
Fructidor; of that of the Panthfen, at the beginning of the 
directory ; and of the old society of the Jacobins, enthusiastioiUy 
professed republican principles, but not the democratic opinions 
of the infenor class. Each of these parties also had a share 
in the ministry which had been renewed at the same "-ime as the 
directory. Cambociris had the department of justice; Quin- 
ette, the home department; Reinhard, who had been temporarily 
placed in office during the ministerial interregnum of Talleyrand, 
was minister of foreign affairs; Robert ' <^'X was minister of 



e 



312 



The French Revolution 



feiance, Bourdon (of Vatiy) of the navy, Bernadotte of war, 
Bouiguignon, soon afterwards replaced by FoucM (of Nantes), 
of police. ^ " 

Tlis time Barras remained neutral between the two divisions 
of the legislature, of the directory and of the ministry. Seeing 
that matters were coming to a more considerable change than 
that of the 30th Prairial, he, an ex-noble, thought that the 
declme of the republic would lead to the restoration of the Bour- 
bons, and he treated with the Pretender Louis XVIII It 
seems that, m negotiating the restoration of the monarchy by 
his agent, David Monnier, he was not forgetful of himself. 
Barras espoused nothing from conviction, and always sided with 
the party which had the greatest chance of victory. A demo- 
cratic member of the Mountain on the 31st of May ; a reactionary 
member of the Mountain on the 9th Thermidor; a revolutionary 
director against the royalists on the i8th Fructidor: extreme 
republican director against his old colleagues on the 30th 
Prainal; he now became a royalist director against the eovem- 
ment of the year III. " 

ITie faction disconcerted by the i8th Fructidor and the peace 
of the Continent, had also gained courage. The military suc- 
cesses of the new coalition, the law of compulsory loans and that 
of hostages, which had compelled every emigrant family to give 
guarantees to government, had made the royalists of the south 
and west a^n take up arms. They reappeared in bands, 
which daily became more formidable, and revived the petty 
but disastrous warfare of the Chouans. They awaited the 
amval of the Russians, and looked forward to the speedy 
restoration of the monarchy. This was a moment of &esh 
competition with every party. Each aspired to the inheritance 
of the dying constitution, as they had done at the close of the 
convention. In France, people are warned by a kind of political 
odour that a government is dying, and all parties rush to be 
m at the death. 

Fortunately for the republic, the war changed its aspect on 
tte two principal frontiers of the Upper and Lower Rhine 
The allies, after having acquired Italy, wished to enter France 
by Switzerland and Holland; but generals Mass^na and Brune 
arrested their hitherto victorious progress. Massina advanced 
against Korsakov and Suvorov. During twelve days of great 
combinations and consecutive victories, hastening in turns 
from Constance to Zurich, he repelled the efforts of the Russians, 
forced them to retreat, and disorganized the coalition. Brune 



Death of General Joubert 



3«3 



also defeated the duke of York in Holland, obliged him to re- 
embark, and to renounce his attempted invasion. The army 
of Italy alone had been less fortunate. It had lost its general, 
Joubert, killed at the battle of Novi, while leading a charge 
on the Austro-Russians. But this frontier, which was at a 
distance from the centre of action, despite the defeat of Novi, 
was not crossed, and Championnet ably defended it. It was 
soon to be repassed by the republican troops, who, after each 
restimption of arms, having been for a moment beaten, soon 
regained their superiority and recommenced their victories. 
Europe, by giving additional exercise to the military power, by 
its repeated attacks, rendered it each time more triumphant. 

But at home nothing was changed. Divisions, discontent, 
and anxiety were the same as before. The struggle between the 
moderate republicans and the extreme republicans had become 
more determined. Sieyte pursued his projects against the 
latter. In the Champ-de-Mars, on the loth of August, he as- 
sailed the Jacobins. Lucien Bonaparte, who had much influence 
in the council of live hundred, from his character, his talents, and 
the military importance of the conqueror of Italy and of Egypt, 
drew in that assembly a fearful picture of the reign of terror, 
and said that France was threatened with its return. About 
the same time, Sieyds caused Bemadotte to be dismissed, and 
Fouch£, in concert witlfhim, closed the meetings of the Manage. 
The multitude, to whom it is only necessary to present the 
phantom of the past to inspire it with fear, sided with the 
moderate party, dreading the return of the reign of terror; 
and the extreme republicans failed in their endeavour to declare 
la patrie en danger, as they had done at the close of the legislative 
assembly. But SieyAs, after having lost Joubert, sought for 
a general who could enter into his designs, and who would 
protect the republic, without becoming its oppressor. Hoche 
had been dead more than a year. Moreau had given rise to 
suspicion by his equivocal conduct to the directory before the 
i8th Fructidor, and by the sudden denunciation of his old 
friend Pichegru, whose treason he had kept secret for a whole 
year; Massina was not a political general; Bemadotte and 
Jourdan were devoted to the party of the Manage; Sieyis was 
compelled to postpone his scheme for want of a suitable agent. 

Bonaparte had learned in the east, from his brother Lucien 
and a few other friends, the state of aSaits in France, and 
the decline of the directorial government. His expedition had 
been brilliant, but without results. After having defeated the 



314 



The French Revolution 



MamelulMs, and naned their power in Upper and Lower Egypt, 
he had advanad into Syria; but the failure of the siege of A™ 
had compelled hun to return to his first conquest. There 
fl^^ ?^ tf"! ■" Ottoman army on the coast of Aboukir, so 

^^ftl , T"^ ^T *S f^^^ y^- •" decided on 
leaving that land of exile and fame, in order to turn the new 
cnsis m France to his own elevation. He left general Kl^ber 
to command the army of the east, and crossed the Mediterranean 
then covered with English ships, in a frigate. He disembariced 
at 1-rtjus, on the 7th Vend&niaire, year VIII. (oth October 
1799), nineteen days after the battle of Berriien, gained by 
Brune over the Anglo-Russians under the duke of York, and 
fourteen days after that of Zurich, gained by Massfaa over the 
Austro-Russians under Korsakov and Suvorov. He traversed 
trance, from the shore of the Mediterranean to Paris, in triumph. 
His expedition, almost fabulous, had struck the public mmd 
with surprise, and had stiU more increased the great renown he 
had acquired by tfie conquest of Italy. These two enterprises 
had raised him above all the other generals of the republic. 
ITie distMce of the theatre upon which he had fought enabled 
him to begin his career of independence and authority A 
victorious general an acknowledged and obeyed negotiator 
a creator of repubhcs, he had treated all interests with skill 
all creeds with moderation. Preparing afar off his ambitious 
destiny he had not made himself subservient to any system 
and had managed all parties so as to work his elevation with 
then- assent. He had entertained this idea of usurpation since 
hu victones m Italy. On the i8th Fructidor, had the directory 
been conquered by the councils, he purposed marching against 
the latter with his army and seizing the protectorate of the 
repubhc After tijs i8th Fructidor; finding the directory too 
powerful, and the m.ictivity of the continent too dangerous for 
him, he accepted the expedition to Egypt, that he might not 
faU, and might not be forgotten. At the news of the disor^iza- 
tion of the directory, on the 30th Prairial, he repaired with haste 
to the scene of events. 

His arrival excited the enthusiasm of the moderate masses 
o( the nation He received general congratulations, and every 
party contended for his favour. Generals, directors, deputies 
and even the repubhcans of the Manage, waited on and tried 
to sound him. Ffites and banquets were given in his honour. 
His manners were grave, simple, cool, and observing; he had 
already a tone of condescending familiarity and involuntarv 



Conspirators in Council 



3»5 



habits of command. Notwithstanding his want of earnestness 
and openness, he had an air of self-possession, and it was easy 
to read in him an after-thought of conspiracy. Without uttering 
his design, he allowed it to be guessed; because a thing must 
always be expected in order to be accomplished. He could 
not seek supporters in the republicans of the Manige, as they 
neither wished for a coup-d'^tat nor for a dictator; and Siey^ 
feared that he was too ambitious to fall in with his constitu- 
tional views. Hence Siey& hesitated to open his mind to Bona- 
parte, but, urged by their mutual friends, they at length met 
and concerted together. On the 1 5th Brumaire, they determined 
on their plan of attack on the constitution of the year III. Siey6s 
imdertook to prepare the councils by the commissions of in- 
spectors, who placed unlimited confidence in him. Bonaparte 
was to gain the generals and the different corps of troops 
stationed in Paris, who displayed much enthusiasm for hun 
and much attachment to his person. They agreed to convoke an 
extraordinary meeting of the moderate members of the councils, 
to describe ike public danger to the Ancients, and by urging 
the ascendancy of Jacobinism to demand the r* moval of the 
legislative body to Saint-Cloud, and the appointment of general 
Bonaparte to the command of the armed force, as the only man 
able to save the country; and then, by means of the new 
military power, to obtain the dismissal of the directory, and 
the temporary dissolution of the legislative body. The enter- 
prise was fixed for the morning of the i8th Brumaire (9th 
November). 

During these three days, the secret was faithfully kept. 
Barras, Moulins, and Gohier, who formed the majority of the 
directory, of which Gohier was then president, might have 
frustrated the coup-d'ftat of the conspirators by forestalling 
them, as on the i8th Fructidor. But they gave them credit 
for hopes only, and not for any decided projects. On the 
morning of the i8th, the members of the ancients were convoked 
in an unusual way by the inspectors; they repaired to the 
Tuileries, and the debate was opened about seven in the morning 
under the presidentship of Lemercier. Comudet, Lebrun, and 
Fargues, the three most influential conspirators in the council, 
drew a most alarming picture of the state of public affairs; 
protesting that the Jacobins were flocking in crowds to Paris 
from all the departments; that they wished to re-establish the 
revolutionary government, and that a rei^ of terror would once 
more desolate the republic, if the council had not the courage 



3i6 



The French Revolution 



Mid wisdom to prevent its return. Another conspirator, 
Regmer de la Meurthe, required of the ancients already moved, 
that m virtue of the right conferred on them by the constitution 
they should transfer the legUIative body to Saint Cloud, and 
depute Bonaparte, nominated by them to the command of the 
'7* military division, to superintend the removal. Whether 
all the members of thecouncilwereaccomplices of this manoeuvre, 
or whether they were terrified by so hasty convocation and by 
speeches so alarming, they instantly granted what the conspira- 
tors requu-ed. 

Bonaparte awaited with impatience the result of this delibera- 
tion, at his house in the Rue Chantereine; he was surrounded 
by generals, by Lefivre, the commander of the guard of the 
directory, and by three raiments of cavalry which he was about 
to review. The decree of the council of ancients was passed 
about eight, and brought to him at half-past eight by a state 
messier. He received the congratulations of all around him ; 
the officers drew their swords as a sign of fidelity. He put 
himself at their head, and they marched to the Tuileries; he 
appeared at the bar of the ancients, took the oath of fidelity 
and appomted as his lieutenant, Lefivre, chief of the directorial 
guard. 

This was, however, only a beginning of success. Bonaparte 
was at the head of the armed force; but the executive power of 
the directory and the l^islative power of the councils still 
existed. In the struggle which would infallibly ensue, it was 
not certain that the great and hitherto victorious force of the 
revolution would not triumph. Sieyfes and Roger Ducos went 
from the Luxembourg to the legislative and military camp of 
the Tuilenes, and gave in their resignation. Barras, Moulins, 
and Gohier, apprised on their side, but a little too late, of what 
was going on, wished to employ their power and make themselves 
sure of their guard; but the latter, having received from Bona- 
parte information of the decree of the ancients, refused to obey 
them. Ban-as, discouraged, sent in his resignation, and departed 
for his estate of Gros-Bois. The directory was, in fact, dissolved ; 
and there was one antagonist less in the struggle. The five 
hundred and Bonaparte alone remained opposed. 

The decree of the council of ancients and the proclamations 
of Bonaparte were placarded on the walls of Paris. The 
agitation which accompanies extraordinary events prevailed in 
that great city. The republicans, and not without reason, felt 
senous alarm for the fate of liberty. But when they showed 



Bonaparte Reproaches the Directory 317 

alann respecting the intentions of Bonapane, in whom they 
beheld a Oesar, or a Cromwell, they were answered in the 
general's own words: " Bad parts, worn out parts, unworthy 
a man of sense, even if they were not so of a good man. It would 
be sacrilege to attack representative government in this age of intelli- 
gence and freedom. He would be but a fool who, with lightness 
of heart, could wish to cause the loss of the stakes of the republic 
against royalty after having supported them with some glory and 
peril." Yet the importance he gave himself in his proclamations 
was ominous. He reproached the directory with the situation 
of France in a most extraordinary way. " What have you 
done," said he, " with that France which I left so flourishing in 
your hands? I left you peace, I find you at war; I left you 
victories, I find nothing but reverses; I left you the millions of 
Italy, I find nothing but plundering laws and misery. What 
have you done with the hundred thousand Frenchmen whom 
I knew, my companions in glory? They are dead 1 This state 
of things cannot last; in less tW three years it would lead us 
to despotism." This was the first time for ten years that a man 
had ventured to refer everything to himself; and to demand 
an account of the republic, as of his own property. It is a 
painful surprise to see a new comer of the revolution introduce 
himself thus into the inheritance, so laboriously acquired, of 
an entire people. 

On the 19th Brumaire the members of the councils repaired 
to Saint Qoud; Sieyfe and Roger Ducos accompanied Bona- 
parte to this new field of battle; they went thither with the 
intention of supporting the designs of the conspirators: 
Siey^, who understood the tactics of revolution, wished to 
make sure of events by provisionally arresting the leaders, 
and only admitting the modAate party into the councils; but 
Bonaparte refused to accede to this. He was no party man; 
having hitherto acted and conquered with regiments only, he 
thought he could direct l^islative councils like an army, by the 
word of command. The gallery of Mars had been prepared for 
thi ancients, the Orangery for the five hundred. A considerable 
armed force surroui.d«l the seat of the legislature, as the multi- 
tude, on the and of June, had surrounded the convention. The 
republicans, assembled in groups in the grounds, waited the 
opening of the sittings; they were agitated with a generous 
indignation against the military brutalism that threatened 
them, and communicated to each other their projects of re- 
sistance. The young general, followed by a few grenadiers. 



3'8 



The French Revolution 



passed through the courts and apartments, and prematurely 
yielding to his character, he said, like the twentieth king of a 
dynasty: " / mil have no more factions : there must be an end 
to this ; I absolutely mil not have any more of it." _ About 
two o'clock in the afternoon, the councils assembled in their 
respective halls, to the sound of instruments which played the 
Marseillaise. 

As soon as the business of the sitting commenced, Emile 
Gaudin, one of the conspirators, ascended the tribune of the 
five hundred. He proposed i vote of thanks to the council of 
ancients for the measures it had taken, and to reciuest it to 
expound the means of saving the republic. This motion was the 
signal for a violent tumult; cries arose against Gaudin from 
every part of the hall. The republican deputies surrounded 
the tribune and the bureau, at which Lucien Bonaparte presided. 
The conspirators Cabanis, Boulay (de la Meurthe), Chazal, 
Gaudin, etc., turned pale on their seats. After a lon^ scene of 
agitation, during which no one could obtain a hearing, calm 
was restored for a few moments, and Delbred proposed that 
the oath made to the constitution of the year III. should be 
renewed. As no one opposed this motion, which at such a 
juncture was of vital importance, the oath was taken with 
an enthusiasm and unanimity which was dangerous to the 
conspiracy. 

Bonaparte, learning what had passed in the five hundred, and 
in the greatest danger of desertion and defeat, presented him- 
self at the council of ancients. All would have been lost for 
him, had the latter, in favour of the conspiracy, been carried 
away by the enthusiasm of the younger council. " Representa- 
tives of the people," said he, " you are in no ordinary situation; 
you stand on » volcano. Yesterday, when you summoned 
me to inform me of the decree for your removal, and charged 
me with its execution, I was tranquil. I immediately assembled 
my comrades; we flew to your aid! Well, now I am over- 
whehned with calumnies! They talk of Caesar, Cromwell, and 
military government! Had I wished to oppress the liberty 
of my country, I should not have attended to the orders which 
you gave me; I should not have had any occasion to receive 
this authority from your hands. Representatives of the people ! 
I swear to you that the country has not a more zealous defender 
than I am; but its safety rests with you alone! There is no 
k>nger a government; four of the directors have given in their 
resignation; the fifth (Moulins) has been placed under sur- 



Bonaparte Denounced 3 1 9 

veillance {or hi* own security; the council of five hundred ii 

divided; nothing is left but the council of ancients. Let it 

adopt measures; let it but speak; I am ready to execute. Let 

us save liberty! let us save equality! " Linglet, a republican, 

then arose and said: "General, we applaud what you say: 

swear with us to obey the constitution of the year IIL, which 

alone can maintain tiie republic." All would have been lost 

for him had this motion met with the same reception which 

it had found in the five hundred. It surprised the council, 

and for a moment Bonaparte was disconcerted. But he soon 

resumed: "The constitution of the year IIL has ceased to 

exist; you violated it on the i8th Fructidor; you violated it on 

the sand Flor^; you violated it on the 30th Frairial. The 

constitution is invoked by all factions, and violated by all; 

it cannot be a means of safety for us, because it no longer obtains 

respect from any one; the constitution being violated, we must 

have another compact, new guarantees." The council applauc'ed 

these reproaches of Bonaparte, and rose in sign of approbation. 

Bonaparte, deceived by his easy success with the ancients, 

imagined that his presence alone would suffice to appease the 

stormy council of the five hundred. He hastened thither at the 

head of a few grenadiers, whom he left at the door, but within th» 

hall, and he advanced alone, hat in hand. At the sight of the 

bayonets, the assembly arose with a sudden movement. The 

legislators, conceiving his entrance to be a su;nal for military 

violence, uttered all at once the cry of " Outlaw him! Down 

with the dictator ! " Several members rushed to meet him, and 

the republican, Bigonet, seizing him by the arm, exclaimed, 

" Rash man! what are you doing? Retire; you are violating 

the sanctuary of the laws." Bonaparte, pale and agitated, 

receded, and was carried ofi by the grenadiers who had escorted 

him there. 

His disappearance did not put a stop to the agitation of the 
council. All the men.' =rs spoke at once, all proposed measures 
of public safety and defence. Lucien Bonapiirte was the object 
of general reproach; he attempted to justify his brother, but 
with timidity. After a long struggle, he succeeded in reaching 
the tribune, and urged the assembly to judge his brother with 
less severity. He protested that he had no design against their 
liberty; and recalled his services. But several voices immedi- 
ately exclaimed: " He has lost all their merit; down with the 
dictator I down with the tyrants I " The tumult now became 
more violent than ever; and all demanded the outlawry of 



3*o 



The French Revolution 



general Bonaparte. " What," said Lucien, " do you wish me 
to pronounce the outlawry of my brother?" "Yes I yes I 
outlawry I it is the reward of tyrants I " In the midst of the 
confusion, a motion was made and put to the vote that the 
council should sit permanently; that it should instantly repair 
to its palace at Paris; that the troops assembled at Saint Qoud 
should form a part of the guard of the legislative body; that 
the command of them should be pven to general Bernadotte. 
Lucien, astounded by these propositions, and by the outlawry, 
which he thought had been adopted with the rest, left the 
president's chair, and ascending the tribune, said, in the greatest 
agitation: " Since I cannot be heard in this assembly, I put off 
the symbols of the popular magistracy with a deep sense of 
insulted dignity." And he took off his cap, robe, and scarf. 

Bonaparte, meantime, on leaving the council of the five hun- 
dred, had found some difficulty in regaining his composure. 
Unaccustomed to scenes of popular tumult, he had been greatly 
agitated. His officers came around him; and Sieyis, haying 
more revolutionary experience, besought him not to lose tiiuc, 
and to employ force. General Lefivre immediately gave an 
order for carrying off Lucien from the council. A detachment 
entered the hall, advanced to the chair which Lucien now 
occupied again, placed him in their ranks, and returned with him 
to the troops. As soon as Lucien came out, he mounted a horse 
by his brother's side, and although divested of his legal character, 
harangued the troops as president. In concert with Bonaparte, 
he invented the story, so often repeated since, that poignards 
had been drawn on the general in the council of five hundred, 
and exclaimed: " Citizen soldiers, the president of the council 
of five hundred declares to you that the large majority of that 
council is at this moment kept in fear by the daggers of a 
few representatives, who surround the tribune, threaten their 
colleagues with death, and occasion the most terrible delibera- 
tions. General, and you, soldiers and citizens, you will only 
recognise as legislators of France those who follow me. As for 
those who remain in the Orangery, let force expel them. Those 
brigands are no longer representatives of the people, but repre- 
sentatives of the poignard." After thb violent appeal, addressed 
to the troops by a conspirator president, who, as usual, calumni- 
ated those he wished to proscribe, Bonaparte spoke : " Soldiers," 
said he, " I have led you to victory; may I rely on you? "— 
" Yes ! yes ! Vive le Gfeiral ! "— " Soldiers, there were reasons 
for expecting that the council of fivs hundred would save the 



Triumph of Bonaparte 



3*1 



country; on the contrary, it is given up to intestine quarreb; 
agitators seek to excite it against me. Soldiers, n»y I rely on 
you?" " Yes I yes 1 Vive Bonaparte." " Well, then, I will 
bring them to their senses ! " And he instantly gave orders to 
the officers surrounding him to clear the hall of the five 
hundred. 

The council, after Lucien's departure, had been a prey to 
great anxiety and indecision. A few members proposed that 
they should leave the place in a body, and go to Paris to seek 
protection amidst the people. Others wished the national 
representatives not to forsake their post, but to brave the out- 
rages of force. In the meantime, a troop of grenadiers entered 
the hall by degrees, and the officer in command informed 
the council that they should disperse. The deputy Prudhon 
reminded the officer and his soldiers of the respect due to the 
representatives of the people; general Jourdan also represented 
to them the enormity of such a measure. For a monient the 
troops hesitated; but a reinforcement now arrived in close 
column. General Leclerc exclaimed: "In the name of general 
Bonaparte, the legislative body is dissolved; let all good 
citizens retire. Grenadiers, forward 1 " Cries of indignation 
arose from every side; but these were drowned by the drums. 
The grenadiers advanced slowly across the whole width of the 
Orangery, and presenting bayonets. In this way they drove 
the legislators before them, who continued shouting, " Vive 
la ripublique I " as they left the place. At half-past five, on the 
19th Brumaire of the year VIII. (loth November, 1799) there 
was no longer a representation. 

Thus this violation of the law, this coup-d'itat against liberty 
was accomplished. Force began to sway. The i8th of Bru- 
maire was the 31st of May of the army against the representation, 
except that it was not directed against a party, but against the 
popular power. But it is just to distinguish the i8th Brumaire 
from its consequences. It might then be supposed that the 
army was only an auxiliary of the revolution as it had been 
on the 13th Vendimiaire and the i8th Fructidor, and that this 
indispensable change would not turn to the advantage of a 
man — a single man, who would soon change France into a 
regiment, and cause nothing to be heard of in a world hitherto 
agitated by so great a moral commotion, save the tread of his 
army, and the voice of his will. 



jaa 



The French Revolution 



THE CONSULATE 



CHAPTER XIV 

ntOM THE i8TH BRUMAIRE (9TH OF NOVEMBER, I799) TO TH« 
3ND OF DECEMBER, 1804 

The i8th Brumaire had immense popularity. People did not 
perceive in this event the elevation of a single man above the 
councils of the nation; they did not see in it the end of the great 
movement of the 14th of July, which had commenced the 
national existence. 

The i8th Brumaire assumed an aspect of hope and restoration. 
Although the nation was much exhausted, and little capable of 
supporting a sovereignty oppressive to it, and which had even 
become the object of its ridicule, since the lower class had 
exercised it, yet it considered despotism so improbable, that 
no one seemed to it to be in a condition to reduce it to a state 
of subjection. All felt the need of being restored by a skilful 
hand, and Bonaparte, as a great man and a victorious general, 
seemed suited for the task. 

On this account almost every one, except the directorial 
republicans, declared in favour of the events of that day. 
Violation of the laws and coups-d'itat had occurred so frequently 
during the revolution, that people had become accustomed no 
longer to judge them by their legality, but by their consequences. 
From the party of SieyAs down to the royalists of 1788, every 
one congratulated himself on the i8th Brumaire, and attributed 
to himself the future political advantages of this change. The 
moderate constitutionalists believed that definitive liberty 
would be established; the . jyalists fed themselves with hope 
by inappropriately comparing this epoch of our revolution with 
the epoch of 1660 in the English revolution, with the hope that 
Bonaparte was assuming the part of Monk, and that he would 
soon restore the monarchy of the Bourbons ; the mass, possessing 
little intelligence, and desirous of repose, relied on the return 
of order under a powerful protector; the proscribed classes and 
ambitious men expected from him their amnesty or elevation. 
During the three months which followed the i8th Brumaire, 
and expectation were general. A provisional 



Provisional Government Appointed 323 

government bad been appointed, composed of tbree consub, 
Bonaparte, Sieyis, and Roger Duces, with two legislative 
commissioners, entrusted to prepare the constitution and a 
definitive order of things. 

The consuls and the two commissioners were installed on the 
aist Brumaire. This provisional government abolished the 
law respecting hostages and compulsory loaas; it permitted 
the return of the priests proscribed since the i8th Fructidor; 
it released from prison and sent out of the republic the emigrants 
who had been shipwrecked on the coast of Calais, and who for 
four years were captives in France, and were exposed to the 
heavy punishment of the emigrant army. All these measures 
were very favourably received. But public opinion revolted 
at a proscription put in force against the extreme republicans. 
Thirty-six of them were sentenced to transportation to Guiana, 
and twenty-one were put under surveillance in the department 
of Charante-Infirieure, merely by a decree of the counsuls on 
the report of Fouch6, minister of police. The public viewed 
unfavourably ail who attacked the government; but at the 
same time it exclaimed against an act so arbitrary and unjust. 
The consuls, accordingly, recoiled before their own act; they 
first commuted transportation into surveillance, and soon with- 
drew surveillance itself. 

It was not long before a rupture broke out between the authors 
of the i8th Brumaire. During their provisional authority, it 
did not create much noise, because it took place in the legislative 
commissions. The new constitution was the cause of it. Sieyis 
and Bonaparte could not agree on this subject: the former 
wished to institute France, the latter to govern it as a master. 

The constitution of Sieyis, which was distorted in the consular 
constitution of the year VIII., deserves to be known, were it 
only in the light of a legislative curiosity. SieyAs distributed 
France into three political divisions; the commune, the province 
or department, and the State. Each had its own powers of 
administration and judicature, arranged in hierarchical order: 
the first, the municipalities and triburtaux de paix and de pre- 
miere instance ; the second, the popular prefectures and courts 
of appeal; the third, the central government and the court of 
cassation. To fill the functions of the commune, the depart- 
ment, and the State, there were three budgets of notability, 
the members of which were only candidates nominated by the 
people. 

The executive power was vested in the proclamateuT-iUeteur, 



3*4 



The French Revolution 



a fuperior functioiw^-, perpetual, without respoiuibility, de- 
puted to represent the' nation without, and to form the ^yem- 
ment in a deliberating state-council and a responsible miniitry. 
The prodanuU*ur-iUcUuT selected from the lists of candidates, 
judges, from the tribunals of peace to the court of cassation; 
udministrators, from the mayors to the ministers. But he was 
incapable of governing himself; power was directed by the state 
council, exercised by the ministry. 

The legislature departed from the form hitherto established; 
it ceased to be a deliberative assembly to become a judicial 
court. Before it, the council of state, in the name of the govern- 
ment, and the tribunat, in the name of the people, pleaded their 
respective projects. Its sentence was law. It would seem 
that the object of Sieyis was to put a stop to the violent usurpa> 
tions of party, and while placing the sovereignty in the people, 
to give it limits in itself: this design appears from the compli- 
cated works of his political machine. The primary assembbes, 
composed of the tenth of the general population, nominated the 
local tid of communal candidates ; electoral colleges, also nomin- 
ated by them, selected from the commutt<U list the superior 
list of provincial candidates and from the provineial list, the 
list of national candidates. In all which concerned the govern- 
ment, there was a reciprocal control. The proclamateur- 
jlecteur selected his functionaries from among the candidates 
nominated by the people: and the people could dismiss function- 
aries, by not keeping them on the lists of candidates, which 
were renewed, the first every two years, the second every five 
years, the thirf every ten years. But the proclamateur-flecteur 
did not interfere in the nomination of tribunes and legislators, 
whose attributes were purely popular. 

Yet, to place a counterpoise in the heart of this authority 
itself, Sieyfe separated the initiative and the discussion of the 
law, which was mvested in the tribunate from its adoption, which 
belonged to the legislative assembly. But besides these different 
prerogatives, the legislative body and the tribunate were not 
elected in the same manner. The tribunate was composed by 
right of the first hundred members of the national list, while the 
legislative body was chosen directly by the electoral colleges. 
The tribunes, being necessarily more active, bustling, and 
popular, were appointed for life, and by a protracted process, 
to prevent their arriving in a moment of passion, with destructive 
and angry projects, as had hitherto been the case in most of 
the assemblies. The same dangers not existing in the other 



The Constitutional Jury 325 

ajfcmbly, which had only to judge calmly and ditintenitcdly 
of the law, its election was direct, and iu authority transient. 

Lastly, there existed, as the complement of all the other 
powers, a conservatory body, incapable of ordering, incapable 
of acting, intended solely to provide for the regular existence of 
the state. This body was the constitutional jury, or conserva- 
tory senate; it was to be for the political law what the court 
of cassation was to the civil law. The tribunate, or the council 
of state, appealed to it when the sentence of the legislative body 
was not conformable to the constitution. It had also the 
faculty of calling into its own body any leader of the government 
who was too ambitious, or a tribune who Mas too popular, by 
the " droit d'absorption," and when senatois, they were dis- 
qualified from filling any other function. In this way it kept 
a double watch over the safety of the whole republic, by main- 
taining the fundamental law, and protecting liberty agamst the 
ambition of individuals. 

Whatever may be thought of this constitution, which seems 
too finely complicated to be practicable, it must be granted 
that it is the production of considerable strength of mind, and 
even great practical information. Sieyis paid too little regard 
to the passii s of men; he made them too reasonable as human 
beings, and too obedient as machines. He wished by skilful 
inventions to avoid the abuses of human constitutions, and 
excluded death, that is to say, despotism, from whatever quarter 
it mi^ht come._ But I have very little faith in the efficacy of 
constitutions; in such moments, I believe only in the strength 
of parties in their domination, and, from time to time, in their 
reconciliation. But I must also admit that, if ever a constitu- 
tion was adapted to a period, it was that of Sieyis for France 
in the year VIII. 

After an experience of ten years, which had only shown 
exclusive dommations, after the violent transition from the 
constitutionalists of 1789 to the Girondists, from the Girondists 
to the Mountain, from the Mountain to the reactionists, from 
the reactionists to the directory, from the directory to the 
councils, from the councils to the military force, there couM be 
no repose or public life save in it. People were weary of worn- 
out constitutions; that of Sieyfa was new; exclusive men were 
no longer wanted, and by elaborate voting it prevented the 
sudden accession of counter-revolutionists, as at the beginnii^ 
of the directory, or of ardent democrats, as at the end of this 
government. It was a constitution of moderate men, suited to 



326 



The French Revolution 



terminate a revolution, and to settle a nation. But precisely 
because it was a constitution of moderate men, precisely because 
p&rties had no longer sufficient ardour to demand a law of domina- 
tion, for that very reason there would necessarily be found a 
man stronger than the fallen parties and the moderate legis- 
lators, who would refuse this law, or, accepting, abuse it, and 
this was what happened. 

Bonaparte took part in the deliberations of the constituent 
committee; with his instinct of power, he seized upon everir- 
thing in the ideas of Sieyis which was calculated to serve his 
projects, and caused the rest to be rejected. SieyAs intended 
for him the functions of grand elector, with a revenue of six 
millions of francs, and a guard of three thousand men; the 
palace of Versailles for a residence, and the entire external 
representation of the republic. But the actual government was 
to be invested in a consul for war and a consul for peace, 
functionaries unthought of by Sieyis in the year III., but 
adopted by him in the year VIII.; in order, no doubt, to suit 
the ideas of the times. This insignificant magistracy was far 
from suiting Bonaparte. " How could you suppose," said 
he, " that a man of any talent and honour could resign himself 
to the part of fattening like a hog, on a few millions a year? " 
From that moment it was not again mentioned ; Roger Ducos, 
and the greater part of the committee, declared in favour of 
Bonaparte; and Sieyte, who hated discussion, was either 
unwilling or unable to defend his ideas. He saw that laws, 
men, and France itself were at the mercy of the man whose 
elevation he had promoted. 

On the 24th of December, 1799 (Nivdse, year VIII.), forty- 
five days after the i8th Brumaire, was published the constitution 
of the year VIII. ; it was composed of the wrecks of that of Sieyis, 
now become a constitution of servitude. The government was 
placed in the hands of the first consul, who was supported by 
two others, having a deliberative voice. The senate, primarily 
selected by the consuls, chose the members of the tribunal and 
l^islative body, from the list of the national candidates. The 
government alone had the initiative in making the laws. Ac- 
cordingly, there were no more bodies of electors who appointed 
the candidates of different lists, the tribunes and legislators; 
no more independent tribunes earnestly pleading the cause of 
the people before the legislative assembly; no l^islative 
assembly arising directly from the bosom of the nation, and 
accountable to it alone — in a word, no political nation. Instead 



Bonaparte First Consul 327 

of sa this, there existed an all-powerful consul, disposing of 
armies and of power, a general and a dictator; a council of state 
destined to be the advanced guard of usurpation; and lastly, a 
senate of eighty members, whose only function was to nullify 
the people, and to choose tribunes without authority, and 
legislators who should remain mute. Life passed from the 
nation to the government. The constitution of Sieyis served 
as a pretext for a bad order of things. It is worth notice that 
up to the year VIII. all the constitutions had emanated from 
the Contrat-social, and subsequently, down to 1814, from the 
constitution of Sieyis. 

The new government was immediately installed. Bonaparte 
was first consul, and he united with him as second and third 
consuls, CambacirAs, a lawyer, and formerly a member of the 
Plain in the convention, and Lebrun, formerly a co-adjutor of the 
chancellor Maupeou. By their means, he hoped to influence the 
revolutionists and moderate royalists. With the same object, 
an ex-noble, Talleyrand, and a former memhT of the Mountain, 
Fouchi, were appointed to the posts of minister of foreign 
affairs, and minister of police. SieyAs felt much repugnance at 
employing Fouchi; but Bonaparte wished it. " We are 
forming a new epoch," said he; " we must forget all the ill of 
the past, and remember only the good." He cared very little 
under what banner men had hitherto served, provided they 
now enlisted under his, and summoned thither their old associ- 
ates in royalism and in revolution. 

The two new consuls and the retiring consuls nominated 
sixty senators, without waiting for the lisU of eligibility; the 
senators appointed a hundred tribunes and three hundred 
legislators; and the authors of the i8th Brumaire distributed 
among themselves the functions of the state, as the booty of 
their victory. It is, however, just to say that the moderate 
liberal party prevailed in this partition, and that, as long as it 
preserved any influence, Bonaparte governed in a mild, advan- 
tageous, and republican manner. The constitution of the year 
VIII., submitted to the people for acceptance, was approved 
by three millions eleven thousand and seven citizens. That 
of 1793 bad obtained one million eight hundred and one thou- 
sand nine hundred and eighteen suffrages; and that of the year 
III. one million fifty-seven thousand three hundred and ninety. 
The new law satisfied the moderate masses, who sought tran- 
quillity, rather than guarantees; while the code of '93 had only 
found partisans among the lower class ; and that of the year III. 



328 The French Revolution 

had been equally rejected by the royalists and democrats. 
The constitution of 1791 alone had obtained general approbation; 
and, without having been subjected to individual acceptance, 
had been sworn to by all France. 

The first consul, in compliance with the wishes of tlie republic, 
made offers of peace to England, which it refused. He naturally 
wished to assume an appearance of moderation, and, previous 
to treating, to confer on his government the lustre of new vic- 
tories. The continuance of the war was therefore decided on, 
and the consuls made a remarkable proclamation, in which they 
appealed to sentiments new to the nation. Hitherto it had been 
called to arms in defence of liberty; now they began to excite 
it in the name of honour: " Frenchmen, you wish for peace. 
Your government desires it with still more ardour: its foremost 
hopes, its constant efforts, have been in favour of it. The English 
ministry rejects it; the English ministry has betrayed the 
secret of its horrible policy. To rend France, to destroy its 
navy and ports, to efface it from the map of Europe, or reduce 
it to the rank of a secondary power, to keep the nations of the 
continent at variance, in order to seize on the commerce of all, 
and enrich itself by their spoils: these are the fearful successes 
for which England scatters its gold, lavishes its promises, and 
multiplies its mtrigues. It is in your power to command peace; 
but, to command it, money, the sword, and soldiers are necessary; 
let all, then, hasten to pay the tribute they owe to their common 
defence. Let our young citizens arise I No longer will they take 
arms for factions, or for the choice of tyrants, but for the 
security of all they hold most dear; for the honour of France, 
and for the sacred interests of humanity." 

Holland and Switzerland had been sheltered during the pre- 
ceding campaign. The first consul assembled all his force on 
the lUiine and the Alps. He gave Moreau the command of the 
army of the Rhine, and he himself marched into Italy. He 
set out on the 16th Flor^al, year VIII. (6th of May, itteo) for 
that brilliant campaign which lasted only forty days. It was 
important that he should not be long absent from Paris at the 
beginning of his power, and especially not to leave the war in a 
state of indecision. Field-marshal Milas had a hundred and 
thirty thousand men under arms; he occupied all Italy. The 
republican army opposed to him only amounted to forty 
thousand men. He left the field-marshal lieutenant Ott with 
diirty thousand men before Genoa; and marched against the 
corps of general Suchet. He entered Nice, prepared to pass 



Campaign in Italy 329 

the Vax, and to enter Provence. It was then that Bonaparte 
crossed the great Saint Bernard at the head of an army of forty 
thousand men, descended into Italy in the rear of M^las, entered 
Milan on the i6th Prairial (ind of June),and placed the Austrians 
between Suchet and himself. Mdlas, whose line of operation 
was broken, quickly fell back upon Nice, and from thence on to 
Turin; he established his headquarters at Alessandria, and 
decided on re-opening his communications by a battle. On 
the 9th of June, the advance guard of the republicans gained 
a glorious victory at Monte-Bello, the chief honour of which 
belonged to general Lannes. But it was the plain of Marengo, 
on the 14th of June (35th Prairial) that decided the fate of 
Italy; the Austnans were overwhehned. Unable to force the 
passage of the Bormida by a victory, they were placed without 
any opportunity of retreat between the army of Suchet and that 
of Ae first consul. On the 15th, they obtained permission to fall 
behmd Mantua, on condition of restoring all the places of Pied- 
mont, Lombardy, and the Legations ; and the victory of Marengo 
thus secured possession of all Italy. 

Eighteen days after, Bonaparte returned to Paris. He was 
received with aU the evidence of admiration that such decided 
victories and prodigious activity could excite; the enthusiasm 
was universal. There was a spontaneous illumination, and the 
crowd hurried to the Tuileries to see him. The hope of speedy 
peace redoubled the public joy. On the 25th Messidor the first 
consul was present at the anniversary fSte of the 14th of July. 
When the officers presented him the standards taken from the 
enemy, he said to them: " When you return to your car-.ps, tell 
your soldiers that the French people, on the ist Vendimiaire, 
when we shall celebrate the anniversary of the republic, will 
expect either the proclamation of peace, or, if the enemy raise 
insuperable obstacles, further standards as the result of new 
victories." Peace, however, was delayed for some time. 

In the interim between the victory of Marengo and the general 
pacification, the first consul turned his attention chiefly to 
settling the people, and to diminishing the number of mal- 
contents, by employing the displaced factions in the state. He 
was very conciliatory to those parties who renounced their 
systems, and very lavish of favours to those chiefs who renounced 
wen- parties. As it was a time of selfishness and indifference, 
he had no difficulty in succeeding. The proscribed of the i8th 
Fructidor were abeady recalled, with the exception of a few 
royalist conspirators, such as Pichegru, Willot, etc. Bonaparte 



33° 



The French Revolution 



II 



I; I 



soon even employed those of the banished who, like Portalis, 
Simion, BarW-Marbois, had shown themselves more anti- 
conventionalists than counter-revolutionuts. He had abo 
gained over opponents of another description. "Rie late leatos 
%i La Vendfe, the famous Bemier, P"'* »* Samt-Lo, who 
had assisted in tlie whole insurrection, Chatillon, dAuO- 
champ and Suzannet had come to ^ f^^^e?'"* ^L *5 
treaty of Mont-Lu^on (17* January, 1800). He also addressed 
himself to the leaders of the Breton bands, Georges Cadoudal, 
Frotti, LaprAvelaye, and Bourmont. The two last ataie con- 
sented to submit. Frotti was surprised and shot ; and OdoudaJ 
defeated at Grand aamp, by General Brune, capitulated. Tbt 
western war was thus definitively terminated. 

But the Chouans who had taken refuge m England, and whose 
only hope was in the death of him who now concentrated the 
power ff the revolution, projected his assassination. A few 
^them disembarked on the coast of Francj, and secretly re- 
paired to Paris. As it was not easy to reachthe first consi^, they 
Scided on a conspiracy truly horrible. On the thirdNivd^, 
ar eight in the evening, Bonaparte was to go to the Opera, by 
the Rue Saint-Nicaise. The conspirators placed a barrel of 
powder on a little truck, which obstructed the fma^ way, 
knd one of them, named Saint Regent, was to set fire to it as 
soon as he received a signal of the first consul s appr(»ch. At 
tTe appointed time, Bonaparte left the Tuileries, and cro^^ 
the Rue Nicaise. His coachman was skilful enough to drive 
rapidly between the truck and the wall; but the mateh wm 
already alight, and the carriage had scarcely reached the end 
of the strelt when tht infernal mo^Ain* exploded, covered the 
quarter of Saint-Nicaise with ruins, shaking the carriage, and 

'^^'r^iLr'^tr by surprise, though directed by Fouch^ 
attribute this plot to the democrats, against whom the tot 
consul had a much more decided antipathy than agaiMt the 
Chouans. Many of them were imprisoned, and a hundred and 
thirtv were transported by a simple senatus-consultus asked 
^d untained during the night At length they discov«ed 
the true authors of the conspiracy, some of whom "ere con- 
demned to death. On this occasion, the consul caused the 
crS of special military tribunals. The constitutional 
^rty TeparateHtill further Lmhim^nd began its ^et^t^ 
but usel^ opposition. Lanjuinais, Gr^oire, who had courage- 
ously resisted the extreme party m the convention, Garat, 



Revolt of San Domingo 331 

Lambiechts, Lenoir-Laroche, Cabanis, etc., opposed, in the 
senate, the illegal proscription of a hundred and thirty demo- 
crats; and the tnbunes, Isnard, Daunou, Ch&iier, Benjamin 
Constant, Bailleul, Chazal, etc., opposed the special courts. 
But a glorious peace threw into the shade this new encroachment 
of power. 

The Austrians, conquered at Marengo, and defeated in Ger- 
many by Moreau, determined on laying down arms. On the 
8th of January, 1801, the republic, the cabinet of Vienna, and 
the empire, concluded the treaty of Luniville. Austria ratified 
all the conditions of the treaty of Campo-Formio, and also ceded 
Tuscany to the young duke of Parma. The empire recognised 
the independence of the Batavian, Helvetian, Ligurian, and 
Cisalpine republics. The pacification soon became general, by 
the treaty of Florence (i8th of February 1801,) with the king 
of Naples, who ceded the isle of Elba and the principality of 
Piombino, by the treaty of Madrid (29th of September, 1801^ 
with Portugal; by the treaty of Paris (8th of October, 1801) 
with the emperor of Russia; and, lastly, by the preliminaries 
(9th of October, 1801) with the Ottoman Porte. The continent, 
by ceasing hostilities, compelled England to a momentary 
peace. Pitt, Dundas, and Lord Grenville, who had maintained 
these sanguinary struggles with France, went out of office 
when their system ceased to be followed. The opposition 
replaced them; and, on the 2Sth of March, 1802, the treaty 
of Amiens completed the pacification of the world. England 
consented to all the continental acquisitions of the French 
republic, recognised the existence of the secondary republics, 
and restored our colonies. 

During the maritime war with England, the French navy 
had been ahnost entirely ruined. Three hundred and forty 
ships had been taken or destroyed, and the greater part of the 
colonies had fallen into the hands of the English. San Domingo, 
the most important of them all, after throwing ofi the yoke 
of the whites, had continued the American revolution, which 
having commenced in the English colonies, was to end in those 
of Spain, and change the colonies of the new world into inde- 
pendent states. The blacks of San Domingo wished to main- 
tain, with respect to the mother country, the freedom which 
they bad acquired from the colonists, and to defend themselves 
against the English. They were led by a man of colour, the 
famous Toussaint-L'Ouverture. France should have consented 
to this revolution which had been very costly for humanity. 



332 



The French Revolution 



The metropolitan goveniinent could no longer be lettond at 
San Domingo; and it became necessary to obtain tlie only real 
advantages which Europe can now derive from America, by 
strengthening the commercial ties w ith our old colony . Instead 
of this prudent policy, Bonaparte attempted an e:q>edition to 
reduce the island to subjection. Forty thousand men embariced 
for this disastrous enterprise. It was impossible for the blacks 
to resist such an army at fint; but after the first victories, it was 
attacked by the climate, and new insurrections secured the 
independence of the colony. France experienced the twofold 
loss of an army and of advantageous commercial connexions. 

Bonaparte, whose principal object hitherto had been to 
promote the fusion of parties, now turned all his attention to the 
mtetnal prosperity of the republic, and the organization of 
power. The old privil^ed classes of the nobility and the clergy 
had returned into the state without forming particular classes. 
Dissentient priests, on taking an oath of obedience, might 
conduct their modes of worship and receive their pensions from 
government. An act of pardon had been passed in faivour 
of those accused of emigration; there only remained a list of 
about a thousand names of those who remained faithful to the 
family and the claims of the pretender. The work of pacifica- 
tion was at an end. Bonaparte, knowing that the surest way 
of commanding a nation is to promote its happiness, encouraged 
the development of industry, and favoured external commerce, 
which had so long been suspended. He united higher views 
with his political policy, and connected his own ^ory with the 
prosperity of France; he travelled through the departments, 
caused canals and harbours to be dug, bridges to be built, roads 
to be repaired, monuments to be erected, and means of com- 
munication to be multipUed. He especially strove to become 
the protector and legislator of private interests. The dvil, 
penal, and commercial codes, which he formed, whether at 
this period, or at a later period, completed, in this respect, the 
work of the revolution, and regulated tht internal existence 
of the nation, in a manner somewhat more conformable to its 
real condition. Notwithstanding political despotism, France, 
during the domination of Bonaparte, had a private legislation 
superior to that of any European society; for with absolute 
government, most of diem still preserved the civil condition 
of the middle-ages. General peace, universal toleration, the 
return of order, the restoration, and the creation of an adminis- 
trative system, soon changed the appearance of the republic. 



Bonaparte Installed at the Tuileries 333 

Attention was turned to the construction of roads and canals. 
Gvilization became developed in an extraordinary manner; 
and the consulate was, in this respect, the perfected period of 
the directory, from its commencement to the i8th Fructidor. 

It was more especially after the peace Amiens that Bonaparte 
raised the foundation of his future power. He himself says, in 
the Memoirs published under his name,* " The ideas of Napoleon 
were fixed, but to realise them he required the assistance of 
time and circumstances. The organization of the consulate had 
nothing in contradiction with these; it accustomed the nation 
to unity, and that was a first step. This step taken, Napoleon 
was indifferent to the forms and denominations of the different 
constituted bodies. He was a stranger to the revolution. It 
was his wisdom to advance from day to day, without deviating 
from the fixed point, the polar star, which directed Napoleon 
how to guide the revolution to the port whither he wished to 
conduct it." 

In the beginning of 1802, he was at one and the same time 
forming three great projects, tending to the same end. He 
sought to organize religion and to establish the clergy, which 
as yet had only a religious existence; to create, by means of 
the Legation of Honour, a permanent military order in the army; 
and to secure his own power, first for his life, and then to render 
it hereditary. Bonaparte was installed at the Tuileries, where 
he gradually resumed the customs and ceremonies of the old 
monarchy. He already thought of placing intermediate bodies 
between himself and the people. For some time past he had 
opened a negotiation with Pope Pius VII., on matters of religious 
worship, "file famous concordat, which created nine arch- 
bishoprics, forty-one bishoprics, with the institution of chapters, 
which established the clergy in the state, and again placed it 
under the external monarchy of the pope, was signed at Paris 
on the 16th of July, 1801, and ratified at Rome on the 15th of 
August, 1801. 

Bonaparte, who had destroyed the liberty of the press, created 
exceptional tribunals, and who had departed more and more 
from the principles of the revolution, felt that before he went 
further it was necessary to break entirely with the liberal party 
of the i8th Brumaire. In Ventdse, year X. (March, i8oj), the 
most energetic of the tribunes were dismissed by a simple opera- 
tion of tk« senate. The tribunate was reduced to eighty members, 

> tUmoim pour stmr i rHuloirt it Franu $ous NapoUon, icrils * 
SaUiU HOnu. mi. i. p. 948. 



334 



The French Revolution 



!i 



I 



and the legislative body underwent a similar puTgation. About 
a month after, the 15th Germinal (6th of Apru, 1803), Bona- 
parte, no longer apprehensive of opposition, submitted the 
concordat to these assembUes, whose obedience he had thus 
secured, for their acceptance. They adopted it by a great 
majority. The Sunday and four great religious festivals wera 
re-established, and from that time the government ceased to 
observe the system of decades. This was the first attempt at 
renouncing the republican calender. Bonaparte hoped to gain 
the sacerdotal party, always most disposed to passi/e obedience, 
and thus deprive the royalist of the clergy, and the coalition of 
the pope. 

The concordat was inaugurated with great pomp in the 
cathedral of Notre-Dame. The senate, the legislative body, 
the tribunate, and the leading functionaries were present at 
this new ceremony. The first consul repaired thither in the 
carriages of the old court, with the etiquette and attendants of 
the old monarchy; salvos of artillery announced this return 
of privilege, and this essay at royalty. A pontifical mass was 
performed by Caprara, the cardinal-legate, and the people were 
addressed by proclamation in a language to which they had 
long been unaccustomed. " Reason and the example of ages," 
ran the proclamation, " command us to have recourse to the 
sovereign pontiff to effect unison of opinion and reconciliation 
of hearts. The head of the church has weighed in his wisdom 
and for the interest of the church, propositions dictated by the 
interest of the state." 

In the evening there was an illumination, and a concert in 
the gardens of the Tuileries. The soldiery relu'-iantly attended 
at the inauguration ceremony, and expressed their dissatisfac- 
tion aloud. On returning to the palace, Bonaparte questioned 
general Delmas on the subject. " What did you think of the 
ceremony f" said he. "A fine mummery," was the reply. 
" Nothing was wanting bv' <i million of men slain in destroying 
what you re-establish." 

A month after, on the 2Sth Flor^al, year X. (isth of May, 
1802), he presented the project of a law respecting the creation 
of a legion of honour. This legion was to be composed of fifteen 
cohorts, dignitaries for life, disposed in hierarchical order, 
having a centre, an organization, and revenues. The first consul 
was the chief of the legion. Each cohort was composed of seven 
grand officers, twenty commanders, thirty officers, and three 
hundred and fifty legionaries. Bonaparte's object was to 



French Sentiment 



335 



originate a new nobility. He thus appeakd to the ill-suppressed 
sentiment of inequality. While discussing this projected law 
in the council of state, he did not scruple to announce his 
aristocratic design. Berlier, counsellor of state, having disap- 
proved an institution so opposed to the spirit of the republic, 
said that: " Distinctions were the playthings of a monarchy." 
" I defy you," replied the first consul, " to show me a republic, 
ancient or modem, in which distinctions did not exist; you call 
them toys; well, it is by toys that men are led. I would not 
say as much to a tribune; but in a council of wise men and 
statesmen we may speak plainly. I do not believe that the 
French love liberty and equality. The French have not been 
changed by ten years of revolution; they have but one sentiment 
—honour. That sentiment, then, must be nourished; they 
must have distinctions. See how the people prostrate them- 
selves before the ribbons and stars of foreigners; they have 
been surprised by them; and t*iey do not fail to wear them. 
AU has been destroyed; the question is, how to restore all. 
There is a government, there are authorities; but the rest of 
the nation, what is it? Grains of sand. Among us we have 
the old privileged classes, organized in principles and interests, 
and knowing well what they want. I can count our enemies. 
But we, ourselves, are dispersed, without system, union, or 
contact. As long as I am here, I will answer for the republic; 
but we must provide for the future. Do you think the republic 
is definitively established? If so, you are greatly deceived. It 
is in our power to make it so; but we have not done it; and 
we shall not do it if we do not hurl some masses of granite on 
the soil of France." ' By these words Bonaparte announced a 
system of government opposed to that which the revolution 
sought to establish, and which the change in society demanded. 
Yet, notwithstanding the docility of the council of state, the 
purgation undergone by the tribunal and the legislative body, 
these three bodies vigorously opposed a law which revived 
inequality. In the council of state, the legion of honour only 
had fourteen votes against ten; in the tribunal, thirty-eight 
against fifty-six; in the legislative body, a hundred and surty- 
six against a hundred and ten. Public opinion manifested a 
still greater repugnance for this new order of knighthood. 

> This passage is extracted from M. Thibaudeau's Mtmatrea of the 
Consulate. There are in these Uimnires, which are extremly eurioul. 
some political coaversations of Bonaparte, details concerning his internal 
government and the principal sittings of the council of state, which throw 
much light upon this epoch. 



336 



The French Revolution 



ThMe first inve*ted leemed almost uhamed of it, and received 
it wittt a aort of contempt. But Bonaparte pursued his counter- 
revolutionary course, without troubling himself about a dissatis- 
faction no longer capable of resistance. 

He wished to confirm his power by the establishment of piivi- 
lege, and to confirm privilege by the duration of his power. On 
the motion of Chabot de I'Allier, the tribunal resolved: " That 
the first consul, general Bonaparte, should receive a signal mark 
of national gratitude." In pursuance of this resolution, on the 
6th of May, 1801, an organic senatus-consultus appointed Bona- 
parte consul for an additional period of ten years. 

But Bonaparte did not consider the prolongation of the con- 
sulate sufficient ; and two months after, on the 2nd of August, 
the senate, on the decision of the tribunate and the legislative 
body, and with the consent of the people, consulted by means 
of the public registers, passed the following decree: 

" I. The French people nominate, and the senate proclaim 
.Napoleon Bonaparte first consul for life. 

"11. A statue of Peace, holding in one hand a laurel of victory, 
and in the other, the decree of the senate, shall attest to posterity 
the gratitude of the nation. 

" III. The senate will convey to the first consul the expression 
of the confidence, love, and admiration of the French people." 

This revolution was complete by adapting to the consubhip 
for life, by a simple senatus-consultus, the constitution, already 
sufficiently despotic, of the temporary consulship. " Senators, 
said Comudet, on presenting the new law, " we must for ever 
close the public path to the Gracchi. The wishes of the citizens, 
with respect to the political laws they obey, are expressed by the 
general prosperity; the guarantee of social rights absolutely 
places the dogma of the exercise of the sovereignty of the people 
in the senate, which is the bond of the nation. This is the only 
social doctrine." The senate admitted this new social doctrine, 
took possession of the sovereignty, and held it as a deposit till 
a favourable moment arrived for transferring it to Bonaparte. 

The constitution of the i6th Thermidor, year X. (4th of 
August, 1802,) excluded the people from the state. The public 
and administrative functions became fixed, like those of the 
government. The first consul could increase the number of 
electors who were elected for life. The senate had the right 
of changing institutions, suspending the functions of the jury, 
of placing the departments out of the constitution, of annulling 
the sentences of the tribunals, of dissolving the legislative 



Rupture wfth England 337 

body, and the tribunate. The council of state was reinforced; 
the tribunate, aheady reduced by dismissals, was still sufficiently 
formidable to require to be reduced to fifty members. 

Such, in the course of two years, was the terrible progress 
of privilege and absolute power. Towards the close of i8oa, 
everything was in the hands of the consul for life, who had a 
class devoted to him in the clergy; a military order in the 
legion of honour; an administrative body in the council of 
state; a machinery for decrees in the legislative assembly; a 
machinery for the constitution in the senate. Not daring, as 
yet, to destroy the tribunate, in which assembly there arose, 
from time to time, a few words of freedom and opposition, he 
deprived it of its most courageous and eloquent members, 
that he might hear his will declared with docility in all the 
assemblies of the nation. 

This interior policy of usurpation was extended beyond the 
country. On the 36th of August, Bonaparte united the island 
of Elba, and on the nth of September, 1803, Piedmont, to the 
French territory. On the 9th of October he took possession 
of the states of Parma, left vacant by the death of the duke; 
and lastly, on the 31st of October, he marched into Switzerland 
an army of thirty thousand men, to support a federative act, 
which regulated the constitution of each canton, and which 
had caused disturbances. He thus furnished a prete.-tt for a 
rupture with England, which had not sincerely subscribed to 
the peace. The British cabinet had only felt the necessity of 
a momentary suspension of hostilities; and, a short time after 
the treaty of Amiens, it arranged a third coalition, as it had 
done after the treaty of Campo-Fomiio, and at the time of the 
congress of Rastadt. The interest and situation of England 
were alone of a nature to bring about a rupture, which was 
hastened by the imion of states effected by Bonaparte, and the 
influence which he retained over the neighbouring republics, 
called to complete independence by the recent treaties. Bona- 
parte, on his part, eager for the glory gained on the field of 
battle, wishing to aggrandize France by conquests, and to 
complete his own elevation by victories, could not rest satisfied 
with repose ; he had rejected liberty, and war became a necessity. 

The two cabinets exchanged for some time very bitter diplo- 
matic notes. At length. Lord Whitworth, the English ambassa- 
dor, left Paris on the jjth Flor^, year XI. (13th of May, 1803). 
Peace was now definitively broken: preparations for war were 
made on both sides. On the 36th of May, the French troops 



338 



The French Revolution 



entered the electormte of Hanover. The German empire, on the 
point of expiring, raised no obstacle. The emigrant Chouan 
party, which had talcen no steps since the affair of the infernal 
machine and the continental peace, were encouraged by this 
return of hostilities. The opportunity seemed favourable, and 
it formed in London, with the assent of the British cabinet, a 
conspiracy headed by Pichegru and Georges Cadoudal. The 
conspirators disembarked secretly on the coast of France, and 
reiNured with the same secrecy to Paris. They communicated 
with general Moreau, who had been induced by his wife to 
embrace the royalist party. Just as they were about to execute 
their project, most of them were arrested by the police, who had 
discovered the plot, and traced them. Georges Cadoudal was 
executed, Pichegru was found strangled in prison, and Moreau 
was sentenced to two years' imprisonment, commuted to exile. 
This conspiracy, discovered in the middle of February, 1804, 
rendered the person of the first consul, whose life had been 
thus threatened, still dearer to the masses of the people; ad- 
dresses of congratulation were presented by all the bodies of the 
state, and all the departments of the republic. About this 
time he sacrificed an illustrious victim. On the 15th of March, 
the due d'Enghien was carried off by a squadron of cavalry from 
the castle of Ettenheim, in the grand-duchy of Baden, a few 
leagues from the Rhine. The first consul believed, from the 
reports of the police, that this prince had directed the recent 
conspiracy. The due d'Enghien was conveyed hastily to 
Vincennes, tried in a few hours by a military commission, and 
shot in the trenches of the chateau. This crime was not an act 
of policy, or usurpation; but a deed of violence and wrath. 
The royalists might have thought on the i8th Brumaire that 
the first consul was studying the part of general Monk ; but for 
four years he had destroyed that hope. He had no longer any 
necessity for breaking with them in so outrageous a manner, 
nor for reassuring, as it has been suggested, the Jacobins, 
who no longer existed. Those who reinained devoted to the 
republic, dreaded at this time despotism far more than a 
counter-revolution. There is every reason to think that 
Bonaparte, who thought little of human life, or of the rights 
of nations, having aheady formed the habit of an expeditious 
and hasty policy, imagined the prince to be one of the con- 
spirators, and sought, by a terrible example, to put an end to 
conspiracies, the only peril that threatened his power at that 
period. 



Bonaparte and the Senate 339 

The wv with Briuin and the conspiracy o{ Georgei Cadoudal 
and Pichegru, were the stepping-stones by which Bonaparte 
ascended from the consulate to the empire. On the 6th Cier- 
minal, year XII. (a7th March, 1804), the senate, on receiving 
intelligence of the plot, sent a deputation to the first consul. 
The president, Fran9ois de Neuichftteau, expressed Mmseli 
in these terms: "Citizen first counsul, you are f<ii .liUo a 
new era, but you ought to perpetuate it: splendour is. i .iil tg 
without duration. We do not doubt but this gr'u u..- li..s 
had a share of your attention; for your creat'' i ^'nui . m 
braces all and forgets nothing. But do not dtr.y. yoi. lUf 
urged on by the times, by events, by consfivatoro, uiil hv 
ambitious men; and in another direction, : v ilw .! ii.^v 
which agitates the French people. It is in you'- i-nw 1 l- tr- 
chain time, master e\ents, disarm the ambitious, an I . .n- 
quiUize the whole of France by giving it institutions /hi.' wiL 
cement your edifice, and prolong fo.- our children -fii v du 
have done for their fathers. Citizen first consul, be assured that 
the senate here speaks to you in the name of all citizens." 

On the sth Florial, year XII. (15th of April, 1804), Bona- 
parte replied to the senate from Saint-Cloud, as follows: " Your 
address has occupied my thoughs incessantly; it has been the 
subject of my constant meditation. You consider that the 
supreme magistracy should be hereditary, in order to protect 
the people from the plots of our enemies, and the agitation which 
arises from rival ambitions. You ako think that several of 
our institutions ought to be perfected, to secure the permanent 
triumph of equality and public liberty, and to offer the nation 
and government the twofold guarantee which they require. The 
more I consider these great objects, the more deeply do I feel 
that in such novel aiid important circumstances, the councils 
of your wisdom and experience are necessary to enable me to 
come to a conclusion. I invite you, then, to cominunicate 
to me your ideas on the subject." The senate, in its turn, 
repUed on the 14th Floreal (3rd of May): " The senate considers 
that the interests of the French people will be greatly promoted 
by confiding the government of the republic to Napoleon Bona- 
parte, as hereditary emperor." By this preconcerted scene 
was ushered in the establishment of the empire. 

The tribune Curie opened the debate in the tribunate by a 
motion on the subject. He dwelt on the same motives as the 
senators had done. His proposition was carried with enthusiasm. 
Camot alone had the courage to oppose the empire: " I am 



34© 



The French Revolution 



far," said he, " from wishing to weaken the praises bestowed on 
the first consul; but whatever services a citizen may have done 
to his country, there are bounds which honour, as well as reason, 
imposes on national gratitude. If this citizen has restored 
public liberty, if he has secured the safety of his country, is it 
a reward to offer him the sacrifice of that liberty; and would 
it not be destroying his own work to make his country his 
private patrimony? When once the proposition of holding 
the consulate for life was presented for the votes of the people, 
it was easy to see that an after-thought existed. A crowd of 
institutions evidently monarchical followed in succession; but 
now the object of so many preliminary measures is disclosed in 
a positive manner; we are called to declare our sentiments on a 
formal motion to restore the monarchical system, and to confer 
imperial and hereditary dignity on the first consul. 

" Has liberty, then, only been shown to man that he might 
never enjoy it? No, I cannot consent to consider this good, 
so universally preferred to all others, without which all others 
are as nothing, as a mere illusion. My heart tells me that 
liberty is attainable; that its regime b easier and more stable 
than any arbitrary government. I voted against the consulate 
for life; I now vote against the restoration of the monarchy; 
as I conceive my quality as tribune compeb me tu ao." 

But he was the only one who thought thus ; and his colleagues 
rivalled each other in their opposition to the opinion of the only 
man who alone among them remained free. In the speeches 
of that period, we may see the prodigious change that had taken 
place in ideas and language. The revolution had returned 
to the political principles of the ancient regime; the Stune 
enthusiasm and fanaticism existed; but it was the enthusiasm 
of flattery, the fanaticism of servitude. The French rushed 
into the empire as they had rushed into the revolution; in the 
age of reason they referred everything to the enfranchisement of 
nations ; now they talked of nothing but the greatness of a man, 
and of the age of Bonaparte; and they now fought to make 
kings, as they had formerly fought to create republics. 

"fte tribunate, the legislative body, and the senate, voted the 
empire, which was proclaimed at Saint-Qoud on the aSth 
Flor&l, year XII. (i8th of May, 1804). On the same day, a 
senatus-consultum modified the constitution, which was adapted 
to the new order of things. The empire required its appendages ; 
and B^nch princes, h^h dignitaries, marshals, chamberlains, 
and pages were given to it. All publicity was destroyed. The 



Bonaparte Proclaimed Emperor 341 

iberty of the press had akeady been subjected to cens<nship; 
only one tribune remained, and that became mute. The sittings 
of the tribunate were secret, like those of the council of state: 
and from that day, for a space of ten years, France was governed 
with closed doors. Joseph and Louis Bonaparte were recog- 
nised as French princes. Bethier, Murat, Moncey, Jourdan, 
Masstea, Augereau, Bemadotte, Soult, Brune, Lannes, Mortier, 
Ney, Davoust, Besslires, Kellennann, LefAvre, Pirignon, 
Sirurier, were named marshals of the empire. The departments 
sent up addresses, and the clergy compared Napoleon to a new 
Moses, a new Mattathias, a new Cyrus. They saw in his eleva- 
tion " the finger of God," and said " that submission was due 
to him as dominating over all; to his ministers as sent by him, 
because such was the order of Providence." Pope Pius VII. 
came to Paris to consecrate the new dynasty. The coronation 
took place on Sunday, the and of December, in the church of 
N6tre-Dame. 

Preparations had been making for this ceremony for some 
time, and it was regulated according to ancient customs. The 
emperor repaired to the metropolitan church with the empress 
Josephine, in a coach surmounted by a crown, drawn by eight 
white horses, and escorted by his guard. The pope, cardinals, 
archbishops, bishops, and all the great bodies of the state were 
awaiting him in the cathedral, which had been magnificently 
decorated for this extraordinary ceremony. He was addressed 
in an oration at the door; and then, clothed with the imperial 
mantle, the crown on his head, and the sceptre in his hand, he 
ascended a throne placed at the end of the church. The high 
almoner, a cardinal, and a bishop, came and conducted him 
to the foot of the altar for consecration. The pope poured the 
three-fold unction on his head and hands, and deUvered the 
following prayer:— "O Almighty God, who didst establish 
Hazael to govern Syria, and Jehu king of Israel, by revealing 
unto them thy purpose by the mouth of the prophet Elias ; who 
didst also shed the holy unction of kings on the head of Saul and 
of David, by the ministry of thy prophet Samuel, vouchsafe to 
pour, by my hands, the treasures of thy grace and blessing on 
thy servant Napoleon, who, notwithstanding our own unworthi- 
ness, we this day consecrate emperor in thy name." 

The pope led him solemnly back to the throne; and after 
he had sworn on the Testament the oath prescribed by the new 
constitution, the chief herald-at-anns cried in a loud voice — " The 
most glorious and most august emperor of the French is crowtud 



342 



The French Revolution 



and enthroned I Long live the emperor I " The churdj instantly 
resounded with the cry, salvoes of artillery were fired, and the 
pope intoned the Te Deum. For several days there wm a 
succession of fStes; but these f«tes by command, these fetes 
of absolute power, did not breathe the frank, lively, pop"™. 
and unanimous joy of the first federation of the 14th of July; 
and, exhausted as the people were, they did not welcome the 
beginning of despotism as they had welcomed that of hberty. 
The consulate was the last period of the existence of the 
republic. The revolution was coming to man's esUte. During 
the first period of the consular government, Bonaparte had 
gained the proscribed classes by recalling them, he found a 
people still agitated by every passion, and he restored theni to 
tranquillity by labour, and to prosperity by restormg order. 
Finally he compelled Europe, conquered for the third time, 
to acknowledge his elevation. Till the treaty of Amiens, he 
revived in the republic victory, concord, and prosperity, without 
sacrificing hberty. He might then, had he wished, have made 
himself the representative of that great age, which sought for 
that noble system of human dignity the consecration of far- 
extended equality, wise liberty, and more developed civihzation. 
The nation was in the hands of the great man or the despot; 
it rested with him to preserve it free or to enslave it. He pre- 
ferred the reaUzation of his selfish projects, and preferred hun- 
self to all humanity. Brought up in tents, commg late into the 
revolution, he only understood its material and mterested side; 
he had no faith in the moral wants which had given rise to it, 
nor in the creeds which had agitated it, and which, sooner or 
later, would return and destroy him. He saw an msurrection 
approaching its end, an exhausted people at his mercy, and a 
crown on the ground within his reach. 



IP 



THE EMPIRE 



CHAPTER XV 

raOM THE BSTABLISHMENT OF TH« EMPIRE, 1804-1814 

After the estoblishment of the empire, power became more 
arbitrary, and society reconstructed itself on an aristocratic 
Drinciple. The great movement of recomposition, which had 
commenced on the 9th Thermidor went on mcreasing The 
convention had abolished classes; the directory defeated 
parties; the consulate gained over men; and the empire cor- 
lupted them by distinctions and pnvileges. This second period 
WM the opposite of the first. Under the one, we saw the govern- 
ment of the committees exercised by men elected every three 
months, without guards, honours, or representation, I'vmg on a 
few frames a day, working eighteen hours t°g='her on common 
wooden tables; under the other, the government of the empire, 
with all its paraphemaUa of administration, it chamberlams, 
Ztlemen, prietorian guard, hereditary rights, its immense 
dvil list, ^d dazzling ostentation. The national activity was 
exclusively directed to labour and war. All material interests 
all ambitious passions, were hierarchiaUly arranged under °"e 
leader, who, Ster having sacrificed hbeity by establishmg 
absolute power, destroyed equality by introducing nobiUty. 

The directoiV had erected all the surroundmg states into 
republics; Napoleon wished to constitute them on the modd 
rf the empire He began with Italy. The council of state 
of the Cis^pine republic determined on restoring hereditary 
monarchy in favour of Napoleon. Its vit^^president, M^elzi 
came to Paris to communicate to him this decision. On the 
,6th Ventose, year XIII. (17th of March, 1805) he was received 
With great solemnity at the Tuilenes. Napoleon was on his 
tone^surrounded by his court, and all the splendour of sove- 
reign ^wer, in the display of which he dehghted^ M. Melz. 
offered him the crown, in the name of his feUow-atizens Sire 
said he, in conclusion, " deign to gratify »¥, '"^^«!, °^^ *! 
assembly over which I have the honour to preside. Interpreter 
of the sentiments which animate every Itahan heart it brings 
you their sincere homage. It will inform thev with joy that 
343 



344 



The French Revolution 



by accepting, you have strengthened the ties wbkii attach 
you to the preservation, defence, and prosperity of the Italian 
nation. Yes, sire, you wished the existence of the Italian 
republic, and it existed. Desire the Italian monarchy to be 
happy, and it will be so." 

lite emperor went to take possession of this kingdom; and, 
on the 26th of May, 1805, he received at Milan the iron crown 
of the Lombards. He appointed his adopted son, prince Eugene 
de Beauhamais, viceroy of Italy, and repaired to Genoa, ymcti 
also renounced its sovereignty. On the 4th of June, 1805, its 
territory was united to the empire, and formed the three depart- 
ments of Genoa, Montenotte, and the Apennines. The small 
republic of Lucca was included in this monarchical revolution. 
At the request of its gonfalonier, it was given in appanage to 
the prince of Fiombino and his princess, a sister of Napoleon. 
The latter, after this royal progress, recrossed the Alps, and 
returned to the capital of his empire; he soon after departed 
for the camp at Boulogne, where a great maritime expedition 
against England was preparing. 

This project of descent which the directory had entertained 
after the peace of Campo-Formio, and the iirst consul, after the 
peace of Lun^ville, had been resumed with much ardour since the 
new rupture. At the commencement of 1805, a flotilla of two 
thousand small vessels, manned by sixteen thousand sailors, 
carrying an army of one hundred and sixty thousand men, 
nine thousand horses, and a numerous artillery, had assembled 
in the ports of Boulogne, Etaples, Wimereux, Ambleteuse, and 
Calais. The emperor was hastening by his presence the execu- 
tion of this project, when he learned that England, to avoid 1^ 
descent with which it was threatened, had prevailed on Austria 
to come to a rupture with France, and that all the forces of the 
Austrian monarchy were in motion. Ninety thousand men. 
under the archduke Ferdinand and general Mack, had crossed 
the Jura, seized on Munich, and driven out the elector of Bavariit, 
the ally of France; thirty thousand, under the archduke John, 
occupied the Tyrol, and the archduke Charles, with one hundred 
thousand men, was advancing on the Adige. Two Russian 
armies were preparing to join the Austrians. Pitt had made the 
greatest efforts to organize this third coalition. The establish- 
ment of the kingdom of Italy, the annexation of Genoa and 
Piedmont to France, the open influence of the emperor o\er 
Holland and Switzerland, had again arcused Europe, which 
nowdreaded the ambition of Napoleon as much as it had formerly 



Napoleon Congratulmtes his Army 345 

feaied die principles of the revolatian. The treaty of alliance 
between the British ministry and the Russian cabinet had been 
signed on the nth of April, ito5, and Austria had acceded to 
it on the 9th of August. 

Napden kft Boulogne, returned hastily to Paris, repaired 
to the senate on the 23rd of September, obtained a levy of eighty 
thousand men, and set out the next dmy to begin the campaign. 
He passed the Rhine on the ist of October, and entered Bavaria 
on the 6th, with an army of a hundred and sixty thousand men. 
Massina held back Prince Charles in Italy, and tht emperor 
carried on the war in Germany K full speed. In a few days 
he passed the Danube, entered Munich, gained the victory 
of Wertingen, and forced general Mack to lay down his arms 
at Utei. This capitulation disor^nized the Austrian army. 
Napoleon pursned the course of his victories, entered Vienna 
on the 13th of November, and then marched into Moravia 
to meet the Rnssiam, round whom the defeated troops had 
raUied. 

On the 2nd of December, 1805, the anniversary of the corona- 
tMB, the two armies met in the plains of Austerlitz. The 
eaemy amounted to nioety-five thousand men, the French to 
eiglity diousand. On both sides the artillery was formidable, 
llie battk began at sunrise; these enormous masses began to 
move; the Russian infantry could not stand against the impetu- 
osity <4 our troops and the maiMzuvres of their general. The 
enemy's left was first cut off; the Rus«an imperial guard came 
up to re-«stabiiah the communication, anr' was entirely over- 
whelnwd. The centre experienced the same fate, and at one 
o'clock i» the afternoon the most decisive victory had com- 
pleted this woaderfal camp«ign. The foflowmg day the emperor 
congrotula'Md the amy in a proclamation on the field of battle 
itieK: " Sok&ws," said he, " I am satisfied with you. You have 
ddomed your e^i^ with immortal glory. An army of a hun- 
dred thousard men, commanded by the emperors of Russia 
and Austria, in less than four days bais been cut to pieces or dis- 
persed : those Wbo escaped your steel have been drowned in the 
lakes. Forty Asigs, the Muidards of the Russian imperial guard, 
a hundred and twenty ^«eces of cannon, twenty generals, more 
than thirty thousand prisoners, are the result of this ever 
memorable day. This infantry, so vaunted and so superior in 
numbers, could not resist your shock, and henceforth you have 
no more rivals to fear. Thus, in two months, this third coalition 
has been defeated and dissolved." A truce was concluded 



346 



The French Revolution 



11 



with Austria; and the Russians, who mi^t have been cut to 
pieces, obtained peimitsion to retire by fiaed ita^. 

The peace of Preisburg followed the victories of Ulm and 
Austerhtz; it was signed on the j6th of December. The house 
of Austria, which had loat its external pouMsions, Holland and 
the Milanese, was now assailed in Germany itself. It gave up 
the provinces of Dalmatia and Albania to the Itingdom of Italy; 
the territory of the Tyrol, the town of Augsburg, the principality 
of Eichstett, a part of the territory of Passau, and all its pos- 
sessions in Swabia, Brisga;..; and Ortenau to the electorates of 
Bavaria and Wurtemberg, which were transformed into king- 
doms. The grand duchy of Baden also profited by its spoils. 
The treaty of Pressburg completed the humiliation of Austria, 
commenced by the treaty of Campo-Formio, and continued by 
that of Luniville. The emperor, on his return to Paris, crowned 
with so much glory, became the object of such general and wild 
admiration, that iie was himself carried away by the public 
enthusiasm and intoxicated at his fortune. The different bodies 
of the state contended among themselves in obedience and 
flatteries. He received the title of Great, and the senate passed 
a decree dedicating to him a triumphal monument. 

Napol'jon became more confirmed in the principle he had 
espoused. The victory of Marengo and the peace of Luniville 
had sanctioned the consulate; the victory of Austerlitz and 
peace of Pressburg consecrated the empire. The last vestiges 
of the revolution were abandoned. On the ist of January, 1806, 
the Gregorian calendar definitively replaced the republican 
calendar, after an exbtence of fourteen years. The Panthton 
was again devoted to purposes of worship, and soon even the 
tribunate ceased to exist. But the emperor aimed especially at 
extending his dominion over the continent. Ferdinand, king 
of Naples, having, during the last war, violated the treaty of 
peace with France, had his states invaded; and Joseph Bona- 
parte on the 30th of March was declared king of the Two Sicilies. 
Soon after (June 5th, 1806), Holland was converted irio a 
kingdom, and received as monarch Louis Bonaparte, another 
brother of the emperor. None of the republics created by the 
convention, or the directory, now existed. Napoleon, in nomin- 
ating secondary kings, restored the military hierarchical system, 
and the titles of the middle ages. He erected Dataiatia, Istria, 
Friuli, Cadore, Belluno, Conegliano, Treviso, Feltra, Bassano, 
Vicenza, Padua, and Rovigo into duchies, great fiefs of the 
empire. Marshal Berthicr was invested with the principality 



Napoleon Marches Against Prussia 347 

of Neufchitel, the minister Talleyrand with that of Benevento. 
Prince Borgfaiese and his wife with that of Guastalla, Murat 
with the grand-duchy of Berg and Qives. Napoleon, not 
venturing to destroy the Swiss republic, styled himself its 
mediator, and completed the organization of his military empire 
by placing under his dependence the ancient Germanic body. 
On the lith of July, 1806, fourteen princes of the south and west 
of Germany united themselves into the confederation of the 
Rhine, and recognized Napoleon as their protector. On the ist 
of August, they signified to the diet of Ratisbon their separation 
from the Germanic body. The empire of Germany ceased to 
exist, and Francis II. abdicated the title by proclamation. By 
a convention signed at Vienna, on the 15th of December, 
Prussia exchanged the territories of Anspach, Clives, and 
Neufch&tel for the electorate of Hanover. Napoleon had all 
the west under his power. Absolute master of France and 
Italy, as emperor and king, he was also master of Spain, by 
the dependence of that court; of Naples and Holland, by his 
two brothers; of Switzerland, by the act of mediation; and in 
Germany he had at his disposal the kings of Bavaria and Wurtem- 
berg, and the confederation of the Rhine against Austria and 
Prussia. After the peace of Amiens, by supporting liberty he 
might have made himself the protector of France and the 
moderator of Europe ; but having sought glory in domination , 
and made conquest the object of his life, he condemned himself 
to a long struggle, which would inevitably terminate in the 
dependence of the continent or in his own downfall. 

This encroaching progress gave rise to the fourth coalition. 
Prussia, neutral since the peace of Basle, had, in the last cam- 
paign, been on the point of joining the Austro-Russian coalition. 
The rapidity of the emperor's victories had alone restrained her; 
but now, ajarmed at the aggrandizement of the empire, and 
encouraged by the fine condition of her troops, she leagued with 
Russia to drive the French from Germany. The cabinet of 
Berlin required that the French troops should recross the Rhine, 
or war would be the consequence. At the same time, it sought 
to form in the north of Germany a league against the confedera- 
tion of the south. The emperor, who was in the plenitude of his 
prosperity and of national enthusiasm, far from submitting to 
the ultimatum of Prussia, inmiediately marched against her. 

The campaign opened early in October. Napoleon, as usual, 
overwhelmed the coalition by the promptitude of his marches 
and the vigour of his measures. On the 14th of October, he 



348 



The French Revolution 



destroyed at Jena the military monarchy of Fniwia, bv a 
decisive victory; on the i6th, fourteen thousand Pnissaos 
threw dowi their arms at Erf urth ; on the ssth, the n«ndi aimy 
entered Berlin, and the close of 1806 was employed in taking 
the Russian fortresses and marching into Poland against At 
Russian army. The campaign in Poland was less rapid, but 
as brilliant as that of Prussia. Russia, for dw third time, 
measured its strength .^ ith France. Conquered at Zuridi and 
Austerlitz, it was idso defeated at Eyiau and Friedland. After 
these memorable battles, p emperor Alexander entered into a 
negotiation, and concl'.J' r' at Tilsit, on the sist of June, 1807, 
an armistice which w.i ^ 'uiiowed by a definitive treaty on the 7th 
of July. 

The peace of Tilsit extended the French domination on the 
continent. Prussia was reduced to half its extent. In the south 
of Germany, Napoleon had instituted the two kingdoms of 
Bavaria and Wurtemberg against Austria; further to the north, 
he created the two feudatory kingdoms of Saxony and West- 
phalia against Prussia. That of Saxony, composed of the 
electorate of that name, and Prussian PoUmd, called the grand- 
duchy of Warsaw, was given to the king of Saxony; tiiat of 
Westphalia comprehended the states of Hesse-Cassel, Brunswick, 
FUlde, Paderborn, and the greatest part of Hanover, and was 
given to Jerome Napoleon. The emperor Alexander, acceding 
to all these arrangements, evacuated Moldavia and Wallacfaia. 
Russia, however, though conquered, was the only power unen- 
croached upon. Napoleon followed more than ever in the foot- 
steps of Charlemagne; at his coronation, he had had the crown, 
sword, and sceptre, of the Frank king carried before him. A 
pope had crossed the Alps to consecrate his dynasty, and he 
modelled his states on the vast empire of that conqueror. The 
revolution sought the establishment of ancient liberty ; Napoleon 
restored the military hierarchy of the middle ages. The former 
had made citizens, the latter made vassals. The one had 
changed Europe into republics, the other transformed it into 
6tb. Great and powerful as he was, coming immediately after 
a shock which had exhausted the world by its violence, he was 
enabled to arrange it for a time according to his pleasure. The 
grand empire rose internally by its system of administration, 
which replaced the government of assemblies; its special 
courts, its lyceums, in which military education was substituted 
for the republican edocation of the central schools; its heredi- 
tary nobility, which m 1808 completed the establishment of 



England Under the Ban of Europe 349 

inequality; iu civil diicipliiie, which rendered all France like 
an anny obedient to the word o{ command; and externally by 
its secondary kmgdoms, its confederate states, its great fiefs, 
and its supreme chief. Napoleon, no longer meeting resistance 
anywhere, could command from one end of the continent to 
the other. 

At this period all the emperor's attention was directed to 
England, the only power that could secure itself from his attacks. 
Pitt had been dead a year, but the British cabinet followed with 
much ardour and pertinacity his plans with respect to France. 
After having vainly formed a third and a fourth coalition, it 
did not lay down arms. It was a war to the death. Great 
Britain had declared France in - state of blockade, and furnished 
the emperor with the means ui cutting off its continental inter- 
course by a similar measure. The continental blockade, which 
began in 1807, was the second period of Bonaparte's system. 
In order to attain universal and uncontested supremacy, he 
made use of arms against the continent, and the cessation of 
commerce against England. But in forbidding to the continental 
states all communication with England, he was preparing new 
difficulties for himself, and soon added to the animosity of 
opinion excited by his despotism, and the hatred of states 
produced by his conquering domination, the exasperation of 
private interests and commercial suffering occasioned by the 
blockade. 

Yet all the powers seemed united in the same design. Eng- 
land was placed under the ban of continental Europe, at the 
peace. Russia and Denmark in the Northern Seas; France, 
Spain, and Holland, in the Mediterranean and the ocean, were 
obliged to declare against it. This period was the height of the 
imperial sway. Napoleon employed all his activity and ^ hb 
genius in creating maritime resources capable of counter- 
balancing the forces of England, which had then eleven hundred 
ships of war of every class. He caused ports to be constructed, 
coasts to be fortified, ships to be built and prepared, everything 
for combating in a few years upon this new battfc-fieki. But 
before that moment arrived, he wished to .secure the Spanish 
peninsula, and to found his dynasty there, for the purpose of 
introducing a firmer and more favourable policy. The expedi- 
tion of Portugal in 1807, and the invasion of Spain in 1808, 
began for him and for Europe a new order of events. 

Portugal had for some time been a complete English colony. 
The emperor, in coouert with the Bourbons of Madrid, decided 






350 The French Revolution 

by the treaty of Fontoinbleau, of the J7th of October, 1807, 
that the house of Braganza had ceased to reign. A French army, 
under the command of Junot, entered Portugal. The pnnce- 
reient embarked for Brazil, and the French took possession ot 
Lisbon on the 30th of November, 1807. This invasion was 
only an approach towards Spain. The royal family were in a 
sute of the greatest anarchy. The favourite, Godoy, was 
execrated by the people, and Ferdinand, prince of the Astunas, 
conspired against the authority of his father's favourite. Though 
the emperor had not much to fear from such a government, he 
had taken alarm at a clumsy armament prepared by Godoy 
during the Prussian war. No doubt, at this time he formed the 
project of putting one of his brothers on the throne of SiJam; 
he thought he could easily overturn a divided family, an expiring 
monarchy, and obtain the consent of a people whom he would 
restore to civilization. Under the pretext of the maritime war 
and the blockade, his troops entered the peninsula, occupied 
the coasts and principal places, and encamped near Madrid. It 
was then suggested to the royal family to retire to Mexico, 
after the example of the house of Braganza. But the people rose 
aeainst this departure; Godoy, the object of public hatred, was 
Si great risk of losing his life, and the prince of the Astunas was 
pra:Uimed king, under the title of Ferdmand VII. The em- 
ieror took advantage of this court revolution to bring about 
his own. The French entered Madrid, and he himself proceeded 
to Bayonne, whither he summoned the Spanish princes. Ferdi- 
nand restored the crown to his father, who in his turn resigned 
it in favour of Napoleon ; the latter had it decreed on his brother 
Toseph by a supreme junta, by the councU of Castille, Mid the 
municipality of Madrid. Ferdinand was sent to the Chateau 
de Valencay, and Charles VI. fixed his residence at Compiigne. 
Napoleon called his brother-in-law, Murat, grand-duke of Berg, 
to the throne of Napie;,, m the place of Joseph. 

At this period befpr. the first opposition to the domination 
of the emperor and the continental system. The reaction 
manifested itself in three countries hitherto allies of France, and 
it brought on the filth coalition. The court of Rome wm dis- 
satisfied; the peninsula was wounded in its national pride ^ 
having imposed upon it a foreign king; m its usages, by the 
suppression of convents, of the Inquisition, and of the grandees; 
Holland suffered in its commerce from the blockade, and Austria 
supponed impatiently its losses and subordinate condition. 
Ei^land, watching for an opportunity to revive the struggle on 



War with Spain 



35« 



the continent, excited the lesistence of Rome, the peninsutu, 
and the cabinet of Vienna. The pope had been cold towards 
France since 1805; he had hoped that his pontifical com- 
plaisance in reference to Napoleon's coronation would have 
been recompensed by the restoration to the ecclesiastical 
domain of those provinces which the directory had annexed to 
the Cisalpine republic. Deceived in this expectation, he joined 
the Euro|iean counter-re\'olutionary opposition, and from 1807 
to 1808 the Roman States became the rendezvous of English 
emissaries. After some warm remonstrances, the emperor 
ordered general Miollis to occupy Rome; the pope threatened 
him with excommunication; and Napoleon seized on the lega- 
tions of Ancona, Urbino, Macerata, and Camerino, which 
became part of the Italian kingdom. The legate left Paris 
on the 3rd of April, 1808, and the religious struggle for temporal 
interests commenced with the head of the church, whom Napo- 
leon should either not have recognised, or not have despoiled. 

The war with the peninsula was still more serious. The 
Spaniards recognised Ferdinand VII. as king, in a provincial 
junta, held at Seville, on the 37th of May, 1808, and they took 
arms in all the provinces which were not occupied by French 
troops. The Portuguese also rose at Oporto, on the i6th of 
Jime. These two insurrections were at first attended with the 
happiest results; in a short time they made rapid progress. 
General Dupont laid down arms at Baylen in the province of 
Cordova, and this first reverse of the French arms excited the 
liveliest hope and enthusiasm among the Spaniards. Joseph 
Napoleon left Madrid, where Ferdinand VII. was proclaimed; 
and about the same time, Junot, not having troops enough to 
ketp Portugal, consented, by the convention of Cintra, to 
evacuate it with all the honours of war. The English general, 
Wellington, took possession of this kingdom with twenty-five 
thousand men. While the pope was declaring against Napoleon, 
while the Spanish insurgents were entering Madrid, while the 
Englbh were again setting foot on the continent, the king of 
Sweden avowed himself an enemy of the European imperial 
league, and Austria was making considerable armaments and 
preparing for a new struggle. 

Fortunately for Napoleon, Russia remained faithful to the 
alliance and engagements of Tilsit. The emperor Alexander 
had at that time a fit of enthusiasm and affection for this power- 
ful and extraordinary mortal. Napoleon wishing to be sure of 
the north, before he conveyed all his forces to the peninsula, had 



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(ANSI and ISO TEST CHART No. 2) 




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BTS Rochester. New York U609 USA 

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352 



The French Revolution 



an interview "with Alexander at Erfurt, on the jyth Septem' ,1, 
1808. The two masters of the north and west guarantee.' to 
each other the repose and submission of Europe. Na', Jeon 
marched into Spain, and Alexander undertook Swede.:. The 
presence of the emperor soon changed the fortune ci the war 
in the peninsula. He brought with him eighty thousand 
veteran soldiers, just come from Germany. Several victories 
made him master of most of the Spanish provinces. He made 
his entry into Madrid, and presented himself to the inhabitants 
of the peninsula, not as a master, but as a liberator. " I have 
abolished," he said to them, " the tribunal of the Inquisition, 
against which the age and Europe protested. Priests should 
direct the conscience, but ought not to exercise any external 
or corporal jurisdiction over the citizens. I have suppressed 
feudal rights; and every one may set up inns, ovens, mills, 
fisheries, and give free impulse to his industry. The selfishness, 
wealth, and prosperity of a few did more injury to your agri- 
culture than the heats of the extreme summer. As there is 
but one God, one system of justice only should exist in a state. 
All private tribunals were usurped and opposed to the rights 
of the nation. I have suppressed them. The present genera- 
tion may change its opinion; too many {Missions have been 
brought into play; but your grandchildren will bless me as your 
regenerator; they will rank among their memorable days those 
in which I appeared among you, and from those days will 
Spain date its prosperity." 

Such was indeed the part of Napoleon in the peninsula, which 
could only be restored to a better state of things, and to liberty, 
by the revival of civilization. The eiitablishment of indepen- 
dence cannot be effected all at once, any more than anything 
else; and when a country is ignorant, poor, and backward, 
covered with convents, and governed by monks, its social 
condition must be reconstructed before liberty can be thought 
of. Napoleon, the oppressor of civilized nations, was a real 
regenerator for the peninsula. But the two parties of civil 
liberty and religious servitude, that of the cortes and that of 
the monks, though with far different aims, came to an under- 
standing for their common defence. The one was at the head 
of the upper and the middle classes, the other of the populace; 
and they vied with each other in exciting the Spaniards to 
enthusiasm with the sentiments of independence or religious 
fanaticism. The following is the catechism used by the priests: 
"]" Tell me, my child, who you are? A Spaniard by the grace 



Napoleon's System of Warfare 353 

of God.— Who is the enemy of our happiness? The emperor 
of the French. — How many natures has he ? Two : human and 
diabolical. — How many emperors of the French are there? 
One true one, in three deceptive persons.— What are their 
noines. Napoleon, Murat, and Manuel Godoy. — Which of the 
three b the most wicked? They are all three equally so.— 
Whence is Napoleon derived? From sin.— Murat? From 
>apoleon. — And Godoy? The junction of the two. — What is 
the ruling spirit of the first? Pride and despotism.— Of the 
second? Rapine and cruelty.— Of the third? Cupidity, 
treason, and ignorance. — Who are th'> French? Former 
Christians become heretics. — Is it a sin to kill a Frenchman? 
No, father; heaven is gained by killing one of these dogs of 
heretics. — \Vhat punishment does the Spaniard deserve who 
has failed in his duty? The death and infamy of a traitor. — 
What will deliver us from our enemies ? '"onfidence in ourselves 
and in arms." 

Napoleon had engaged in a long and dangerous enterprise, 
in which his whole system of war was at fault. Victory, here, 
did not consist in the defeat of an army and the possession of 
a capital, but in the entire occupation of the territory, and, 
what was still more difficult, the submission of the public mind. 
Napoleon, however, was preparing to subdue this people with 
his irresistible activity and inflexible determination, when the 
fifth coalition called him again to Germany. 

Austria had turned to advantage his absence, and that of his 
troops. It made a powerful effort, and raised five hundred and 
fifty thousand men, comprising the Landwehr, and took the 
field in the spring of 1809. The Tyrol rose, and king Jerome was 
driven from his capital by the Westphalians; Italy wavered; 
and Prussia only waited till Napoleon met with a reverse, to 
take arms; but the emperor was still at the height of his power 
ard prosperity. He hastened from Madrid in the beginning of 
February, and directed the members of the confederation to 
keep their contingents in readiness. On the 12th of April he 
left Paris, passed the Rhine, plunged into Germany, gained the 
victories of Eckmiihl and Essling, occupied Vienna a second 
time on the 15th of May, and overthrew this new coalition by 
the battle of Wagram, after a campaign of four months. While 
he was pursuing the Austrian armies, the English landed on the 
island of VValcheren, and appeared before Antwerp; but a levy 
of national guards sufllced to frustrate the expedition of the 
Scheldt. The peace of Vienna, of the nth of October, 1809, 



I 



354 



The French Revolution 



deprived the house of Austria of several more provinces, and 
compelled it again to adopt the continental system. 

This period was remarkable for the new character of the 
struggle. It began the reaction of Europe against the empire, 
and announced the alliance of dynasties, people, nations, the 
priesthood, and commerce All whose interests were injured 
made an attempt at resistance, which at first was destined to 
fail. Napoleon, since the peace of Amiens, had entered on a 
career that must necessarily terminate in the possc^sion or 
hostility of all Europe. ■ Carried away by his character and 
position, he had created against the people a system of adminis- 
tration of unparalleled benefit to power; against Europe, a 
system of secondary monarchies and grand fiefs, which facili- 
tated his plans of conquest : and, lastly, against England, the 
blockade which suspended its commerce, and that of the con- 
tinent. Nothing impeded him in the realization of those 
immense but insensate designs. Portugal opened a communica- 
tion with the English: he invaded it. The royal family of 
Spain, by its quarrels and vacillations, compromised the extre- 
mities of the empire: he compelled it to abdicate, that he might 
reduce the peninsula to a bolder and less wavering pohcy. The 
pope kept up relations with the enemy: his patrimony was 
diminished. He threatened excommunication: the French 
entered Rome. He realized his threat by a bull: he was de- 
throned as a temporal sovereign in 1809. Finally, after the 
battle of Wagram, and the peace of Vienna, Holland became 
a dep6t for English merchandise, on account of its commercial 
wants, and the emperor dispossessed his brother Louis of that 
kingdom, which, on the ist of July, 1810, became incorporated 
with the empire. He shrank from no invasion, because he 
would not endure opposition or hesitation from any quarter. 
All were compelled to submit, allies as well as enemies, the chief 
of the church as well as kings, brothers as well as strangers; 
but, though conquered this time, all who had joined this new- 
league only waited an opportunity to rise again. 

Meantime, after the peace of Vienna, Napoleon still added 
to the extent and power of the empire. Sweden having under- 
gone an internal revolution, and the king, Gustavus Adolphus 
IV., having been forced to abdicate, admitted the continental 
system. Bernadotte, prince of Ponte-Corvo, was elected by 
the states-general hereditary prince of Sweden, and king Charles 
XIII. adopted him for his son. The blockade was observed 
throughout Europe ; and the empire, augmented by the Roman 



Birth of Napoleon's Successor 355 

States, the Illyrian provinces, Valais, Holland, and the Hanse 
Towns, had a hundred and thirty departments, and extended 
from Hamburg and Dantzic to Trieste and Corfu. Napoleon, 
who seemed to follow a rash but inflexible policy, deviated from 
his course about this time by a second marriage. He divorced 
Josephine that he might give an heir to the empire, and married, 
on the ist of April, 1810, Maris-Louise, arch-duchess of Austria. 
This was a decided error. He quitted his position and his post 
as a parvenu and revolutionary monarch, opposing in Europe 
the ancient courts as the republic had opposed the ancient 
governments. He placed himself in a false situation with 
respect to Austria, which he ought either to have crushed after 
the victory of Wagram, or to have reinstated in its possessions 
after his marriage with the arch-duchess. SoUd allipnces only 
repose on real interests, and Napoleon could not remove ' u 
the cabinet of Vienna the desire or power of renewinj; hosti • -js. 
This marriage also changed the character of his empire, and 
separated it still further from {)opular interests; he sought out 
old families to give lustre to his court, an'' ' all he could to 
amalgamate together the old and the new n'. ;y as he mingled 
old and new dynasties. Austerlitz had established the plebeian 
empire; after Wagrain was established the noble empire. The 
birth, on the 20th of March, 181 1, of a son, who received the 
title of King of Rome, seemed to consolidate the power of 
Napoleon by securing to him a successor. 

The war in Spain was prosecuted with vigour during the years 
i8io and 1811. The territory of the peninsula was defended 
inch by inch, and its was necessary to take several towns by 
storm. Suchet, Soult, Mortier, Ney, and Sebastiani made them- 
selves masters of several provinces; and the Spanish junta, 
unable to keep their post at Seville, retired to Cadiz, which the 
French army began to blockade. The new expedition into 
Portugal was less fortune. Massina, who directed it, at first 
obliged Wellington to retreat, and took Oporto and OUvenja; 
but the English general having entrenched himself in the strong 
position of Torres- Vedras, Massina, unable to force it, was com- 
pelled to evacuate the country. 

While the war was proceeding in the peninsula with advantage, 
but without any decided success, a new campaign was pre- 
paring in the north. Russia perceived the empire of Napoleon 
approaching its territories. Shut up in its own limits, it re- 
mained without influence or acquisitions; suffering from the 
blockade, without gaining any advantage by the war. This 



I; 356 



The French Revolution 



cabinet, moreover, endured with impatience a supremacy to 
which it itself aspired, and which it had pursued slowly but 
without interruption since the reign ot Peter the Great. About 
the close of 1810, it increased its armies, renewed its commercial 
relations with Great Britain, and did not seem mdisposed to a 
rupture. The year 1811 was spent in negotiations which led 
to nothing, and preparations for war were made on both sides. 
The emperor, whose armies were before Cadiz, and who relied 
on the co-operation of the West and North against Russia, 
made with ardour preparations for an enterprise which was 
intended to reduce the only power as yet untouched, and to 
carry his victorious eagles even to Moscow. He obtained the 
assistance of Prussia and Austria, which engaged by the treaties 
of the 24th of February and the 14th of March, 1812, to furnish 
auxiliary bodies ; one of twentv, and the other of thirty thousand 
men All the unemployed forces of France were immediately 
on foot. A senatus-consultus divided the national guard into 
three bodies for the home service, and appropriated a hundred 
of the first line regiments (nearly a hundred thousand men) for 
active military service. On the <.th of March, Napoleon left 
Paris on this vast expedition. During several months he hxed 
his court at Dresden, where the emperor of Austria, the lung of 
Prussia, and all the sovereigns of Germany, came to bow before 
his high fortune. On the 22nd of June, war was declared 
against Russia. . u 1. j 

In this campaign. Napoleon was guided by the maxims he had 
always found successful. He had terminated all the wars he 
had undertaken by the rapid defeat of the enemy, the occupa- 
tion of his capital, and concluded the peace by parcelling out his 
territory His project was to reduce Russia by creatmg the 
kingdom of Poland, as he had reduced Austria by forming the 
kingdoms of Bavaria and Wurtemberg, after Austerlitz; and 
Prussia, by organizing those of Saxony and Westphalia, after 
Tena. With this object, he had stipulated with the Austrian 
cabinet by the treaty of the 14th of March, to exchange Gallicia 
for the Illyrian provinces. The establishment of the kingdom 
of Poland was proclaimed by the diet of Warsaw, but in an 
incomplete manner, and Napoleon, who, according to his custom, 
wished to finish all in one campaign, advanced at once into the 
heart of Russia, instead of prudently orgamzing the Polish 
barrier against it. His army amounted to about five hundred 
thousand men. He passed the Niemen on the 24th of June, took 
Vilna and Vitepsk, defeated the Russians at Astrowno, Polotsk, 



Napoleon Ret ns to Paris 357 

Mohilev, Smolensk, at the Mos' , and on the 14th of September, 
made his entry into Moscow. 

The Russian cabinet relied for its defence not only upon 
its troops, but on its vast territory and on its climate. As the 
conquered armies retreated before ours, they burnt all the 
towns, devastated the provinces, and thus prepared great 
difficulties for the foe in the event of reverses or retreat. Ac- 
cording to this plan of defence, Moscow was burnt by its 
governor Rostopchin, as Smolensk, Dorigoboui, Viasma, Gjhat, 
Mojaisk, and a great number of other towns and villages had 
abeady been. The emperor ought to have seen that this war 
would not terminate as the others had done; yet, conqueror 
of the foe, and master of his capital, he conceived hopes of peace 
which the Russians skilfully encouraged. Winter was approach- 
ing, and Napoleon prolonged his stay at Moscow for six weeks. 
He delayed his movements on account of the deceptive negotia- 
tions of the Russians, and did not decide on a retreat till the 19th 
of October. This retreat was disastrous, and began the down- 
fall of the empire. Napoleon could not have been defeated by 
the hand of man, for what general could have triumphed over 
this incomparable chief? what army could have conquered the 
French army ? But his reverses were to take place in the remote 
limits of Europe; in the frozen regions which were to end his 
conquering domination. He lost, with the close of this cam- 
paign, not by a defeat, but by cold and famine, in the midst 
of Russian snows and solitude, his old army, and the prestige 
of his fortune. 

The retreat was effected with some order as far as the Berezina 
where it became one vast rout. After the passage of this 
river. Napoleon, who had hitherto accompanied his army, 
started in a sledge for Paris, in great haste, a conspiracy having 
broken out there during his absence. General Mallet, with a 
few others, had conceived the design of overthrowing this 
colossus of power. His enterprise was daring; and as it was 
grounded on a false report of Napoleon's death, it was necessary 
to deceive too many for success to be probable. Besides, the 
empire was still firmly established, and it was not a plot, but 
a slow and general defection which could destroy it. MaJlet's 
plot failed, and its leaders were executed. The emperor, on his 
return, found the nation astounded at so unusual a disaster. 
But the different bodies of the state still manifested implicit 
obedience. He reached Paris on the i8th of December, ob- 
tained a levy of three hundred thousand men, inspired a spirit 



358 



The French Revolution 



of sacrifice, re-equipped in a short time, with his wonderful 
activity, a new army, and took the field again on the isth ol 

April, 1813. ... J 

But since the retreat of Moscow, Napoleon had entered on a 
new series of events. It was in 181 J that the decline of the 
empire manifested itself. The weariness of his domination 
became general. All those by whose consent he had risen, 
took Tjart against him. The priests had conspired m secret 
since his rupture with the pope. Eight state prisons had 
been created in an official manner against the dissentients of his 
party. The national masses were as tired of conquest as they 
had formerly been of factions. They had expected from hun 
consideration for private interests, the promotion of commerce, 
respect for men; and they were oppressed by conscriptions, 
taxes, the blockade, provost courts, and duties which were the 
inevitable consequences of this conquering system. He had 
no longer for adversaries the few who remained faithful to the 
political object of the revolution, and whom he styled idiologues, 
but all who, without definite ideas, wished for the material ad- 
vantages of better civilization. Without, whole nations groaiied 
beneath the military yoke, and the fallen dynasties aspired to 
rise again. The whole world was ill at ease; and one check 
served to bring about a general rising. " I triumphed, says 
Napoleon himself, speaking of the preceding campaigns, m the 
midst of constantly reviving perils. I constantly required as 
much address as voice. Had I not conquered at Austerlitz, 
all Prussia would have been upon me; had I not triumphed at 
Jena, Austria and Spain would have attacked my rear; had 1 
not fought at Wagram, which action was not a decided victory, 
I had reason to fear that Russia would forsake, Prussia rise 
against me, and the English were before Antwerp." ' Such was 
his condition; the further he advanced in his career, the greater 
need he had to conquer more and more decisively. Accordmgly, 
as soon as he was defeated, the kings he had subdued, the 
kings he had made, the allies he had aggrandized, the states 
he had incorporated with the empire, the senators who had so 
flattered him, and even his comrades in arms, successively 
forsook him. The field of battle extended to Moscow in 1812, 
drew back to Dresden in 1813, and to Paris in 1814; so rapid 
was the reverse of fortune. 

The cabinet of Berlin began the defections. On the ist ot 
March, 1813, it joined Russia and England, which were forming 
> Mtmorial it Saint HMnt, tome ii. p. sji. 



Retreat of Napoleon's Army 359 

the sixth coalition. Sweden accfded to it soon after; yet the 
emperor, whom the confederate powers thought prostrated by 
the last disaster, opened the campaign with new victories. The 
battle of Liitzen, won by conscripts, on the and of May the 
occupation of Dresden, the victory of Bautzen, and the war 
earned to the Elbe, astonished the coalition. Austria, which, 
since 1810 had been on a footing of peace, was resuming arms! 
and already meditating a change of aUiance. She now offered 
to act as mediator between the emperor and the confederates. 
Her mediation was accepted; an armistice was concluded at 
Plesswitz, on the 4th of June, and a congress assembled at 
tt-ague to negotiate peace. It was impossible to come to terms. 
iNapoleon would not consent to diminished grandeur; Europe 
would not consent to remain subject to him. The confederate 
powers, joined by Austria, required that the limits of the empire 
should be to the Rhine, the Alps, and the Meuse. The negoti- 
ators separated without coming to an agreement. Austria 
jomed the coalition, and war, the only means of settling this 
great contest, was resumed. 

The emperor had only two hundred and eighty thousand 
men against five hundred and twenty thousand; he wished to 
force the enemy to retire behind the Elbe, and to break up, as 
usual, this new coalition by the promptitude and vigour of his 
blows. Victory seemed, at first, to second him. At Dresden he 
defeated the combined forces; but the defeats of his lieutenants 
dera.iged his plans. Macdonald was conquered in Silesia- 
Ney, near Berlm; Vandamme, at Kulm. Unable to obstruct 
the enemy, pounng on him from all parts, Napoleon thought 
of retreating. The princes of the confederation of the Rhine 
chose this moment to desert the cause of the empire. A vast 
engagement having taken place at Leipzic between the two 
armies, the Saxons and Wurtembergers passed over to the 
enemy on the field of battle. This defection to the strength 
of the allied powers, who had learned a more compact and 
skilful mode of warfare, obliged Napoleon to retreat after a 
strjggle of three days. The army advanced with much con- 
fusion towards the Rhine, where the Bavarians, who had also 
deserted, attempted to prevent its passage. But it over- 
whelmed them at Hanau, and re-entered the territory of the 
empire on the 30th of October, 1813. The close of this campaim 
was as disastrous as that of the preceding one. FranceSi^ 
threatened m its own limits, as it had been in 1799; but the 
enthusiasm of independence no longer existed, and the man who 



360 



The French Revolution 



deprived it of ite rights found it, at this great crisis, incapable 
of sustaining him or defending itself. The servitude of nations 
is, sooner or later, ever avenged. . , ,, 

Napoleon returned to Pans on the gth of November, 1813. 
He obtained from the senate a levy of three hundred thousand 
men, and made with great ardour preparations for a new cam- 
paign He convoked the legislative body to associate it m the 
common defence ; he communicated to it the documents relative 
to the negotiations of Prague, and asked for another and last 
effort in order to secure a glorious peace, the general wish of 
France. But the legislative body, hitherto silently obedient, 
chose this period to resist Napoleon. _ 

It shared the common exhaustion, and without desinng it, 
was under the influence of the royalist party, which had been 
secretly agitating ever since the decline of the einpire had 
revived its hopes. A commission, composed of MM. Laine, 
Raynouard, Gallois, Flaugergues, Maine de Biran, drew up a 
very hostile report, censuring the course adopted by the govern- 
ment and demanding that all conquests should be given up, 
and liberty restored. This wish, so just at any other time, 
could then only favour the invasion of the foe. Though the 
confederate powers seemed to make the evacuation of Europe 
the condition of peace, they were disposed to push ^actory 
to extremity. Napoleon, irritated by this unexpected and 
harassing opposition, suddenly dismissed the legislative body. 
This commencement of resistance announced internal defections. 
After passing from Russia to Germany, they were about to 
extend from Germany and Italy to France. But now, as before, 
all depended on the issue of the war, which the winter had not 
interrupted. Napoleon placed all hb hopes on it; and started 
from Paris on the 2Sth of January, for this immortal campaign. 
The empire was invaded in all directions. The Austrians 
entered Italy; the English, having made themselves masters 
of the peninsula during the last two years, had passed the 
Bidassoa, under general WeUington, and appeared on the 
Pyrenees. Three armies pressed on France to the east anc 
north The great allied army, amountmg to a hundred and 
fifty thousand men, under Schwartzenberg, advanced by 
Switzerland; the army of Silesia, of a hundred and thirty 
thousand, under Blucher, by Frankfort; and that of the north, 
of a hundred thousand men, under Bemadotte, had seized on 
Holland and entered Belgium. The enemies, in their turn, 
neglected the fortified places, and, taking a lesson from the con- 



Defection in Napoleon's Family 361 

queror, advanced on the capital. When Napoleon left Paris, 
the two annies of Schwartzenberg and Bliicher were on the 
poii;t of effecting a junction in O. impai((ne. Deprived of the 
support of the people, who were Oi y lookers on. Napoleon was 
left alone against the whole worL with a handful of veterans 
and his genius, which had lost nothing of its daring and vigour. 
At this moment, he stands out nobly, no longer an oppressor; 
no longer a conqueror; defending, inch by inch, with new 
\'ictories, the soil of his country, and at the same time, his 
empire and renown. 

He marched into ('humpaigne against the two great hostile 
armies. General Maison was charged to intercept Bemadotte 
in Belgium; Augereau, the Austrians, at Lyons; Soult, the 
English, on the Spanish frontier. Prince Er^ne was to defend 
Italy; and the empire, though penetrated in the very centre, 
still stretched its vast arms into the depths ot Germany by its 
garrisons beyond the Rhine. Napoleon did not despair of 
driving these swarms of foes from ths territory of France by 
means of a powerful military reaction, and again planting his 
standards in the countries of the enemy. He placed himse'f 
skilfully between Blucher, who was descending the Marne, 
and Sdiwartzenbcrg, who descended the Seine; he hastened 
from one of these armies to the other, and defeated them alter- 
nately; Blucher was overpowered at Champ- Aubert, Mont- 
mirail, Chateau-Thierry, and Vauchamps ; and when his army 
was destroyed, Napoleon returned to the Seine, defeated the 
Austrians at Montereau, and drove them before him. His 
combinations were so strong, his activity so great, his measures 
so sure, that he seemed on the point of entirely disorganizing 
these two formidable armies, and with them annihilating the 
coalition. 

But if he conquered wherever he came, the foe triumphed 
wherever he was not. T" e English had entPied Bordeaux, 
where a party had declareu for the Pourbon family; the Aus- 
trians occupied Lyons; the Belgian army iiad joined he rem- 
nant of that of Blucher, which re-appeared on Napoleon's 
rear. Defection now entered his own family, and Murat had 
just followed, in Italy, the example of Bemadotte, by joining the 
coalition. "ITie grand officers of the empire still served him, 
but languidly, and he only found ardour and fidelity in his 
subaltern generals and indefatigable soldurs. Na]}oleon had 
again mardied on Blucher, who had escaped from him thrice: 
on the left of the Mame, by a sudden frost, which hardened the 



I 



36a 



The French Revolution 



muddy w<iys amongst which the Prussians had involved them- 
selves, and were in danger of perishing; on the Aisne, through 
the defection of Soissons, which opened a passage to them, at a 
moment when they had no other way of escape ; and Laon, by 
the fault of the duke of Ragusa, who prevented a decisive battle, 
by suffering himself to be surprised by night. After so many 
fatalities, which frustrated the surest plans, Napoleon, ill sus- 
tained by his generals, surrounded by the coalition, conceived 
the bold design of transporting himself to Saint-Dizier and 
closing on the enemy the egress from France. This daring 
march so full of genius, startled for a moment the confederate 
generals, from whom it cut off all retreat; but, excited by secret 
encouragements, without being anxious for their rear, they 
advanced on Paris. 

This gieat city, the only capital of Europe which had not been 
th; theatre of war, suddenly saw all the troops of Europe enter 
it! plains, and was on the point of undergoing the common 
humiliation. It was left to itself. The empress, appointed 
regent a few months before, had just left it to repair to Blois. 
Napoleon was at a distance. There was not that despair and 
that movement of liberty which drive a people to resistance; 
war was no longer made on nations, but on governments, and 
the emperor had centred all the public interest in himself, and 
placed all his means of defence in mechanical troops. The 
exhaustion was great; a feeling of pride, of very just pride, 
alone made the approach of the stranger painful, and oppressed 
every Frenchman's heart at seeing his native land trodden by 
armies so long vanc^uished. But this sentiment was not suffi- 
ciently strong to raise the masses of the population against the 
enemy; and the measures of the royalist party, at the head of 
which the prince of Benevento placed himself, called the allied 
troops to the capital. An action took place, however, on the 
30th of March, under the walls of Paris; but on the 31st, the 
gatfts were opened to the confederate forces, who entered in 
pursuance of a capitulation. The senate consummated the 
great imperial defection by forsaking its old master; it was 
. mfluenced by M. de Talleyrand, who for some time had been out 
of favour with Napoleon. This voluntary actor in every crisb 
of power had just declared against him. With no attachment 
to party, of a profound political indifference, he foresaw from 
a distance with wonderiul sagacity the fall of a government; 
withdrew from it opportunely; and when the precise moment 
for MtnQing it had arrived, joined in the attack with all his 



Abdication of Napoleon 



363 



talents, hii influenc:, hi* name, and his authority, which he ha<l 
taken care to preserve. In favour of the revolution, under thp 
constituent assembly ; of the directory, on the i8th Fructidor : 
for the consulate, on the i8th Brumaire; for the empire, in 
1804, he was for the restoration of the royal family, in 1814; he 
seemed grand master of the ceremonies for the party in power, 
and for the last thirty years it was he who had dismissed and 
installed the successive governments. The senate, influenced 
by him, appointed a provisional government, and declared 
Napoleon deposed from his throne, the hereditary rights of 
his family aboUshed, the people and army freed from their oath 
of fidelity. It proclaimed him lyrattt whose despotism it had 
facilitated by its adulation. Meantime, Napoleon, urged by 
those about hiin to succour the capital, had abandon'd his 
march on Saint-Dizier, and hastened to Paris at the head of 
fifty thousand men, in the hope of prevent' ig the entry of the 
enemy. On his arrival (ist of April), he ' ird of the capitula- 
tion of the preceding day, and fell back 01 . ontainbleau, where 
he learned the defection of the senate, and his deposition. Then 
finding that all gave way around him in his ill fortune, the 
people, the senate, generals and courtiers, he decided or abdi- 
cating in favour of his son. He sent the duke of Vicenza, th*. > >nce 
of the Moskva, and the duke of Tarento, as plenipoten ^ries 
to the confederates; on their way, they were to take with them 
the duke of Ragusa, who covered Fontainbleau with a cor|>s. 

Napoleon, with his fifty thousand men, and strong military 
position, could yet oblige the coalition to admit the claim of his 
son. But the duke of Ragusa forsook his post, treated with 
the enemy, and left Fontainbleau exposed. Napoleon was then 
obliged to submit to the conditions of the allied powers; their 
pretensions increased with their power. At Prague, they ceded 
to him the empire, with the Alps and the Rhine for limits; 
after the invasion of France, they offered him at Chatillon the 
possessions of the old monarchy qnly; later, they refused to 
treat with him except in favour of his son; but now, determined 
on destroying all that remained of the revolution with respect 
to Europe, its conquest and dynasty, they compelled Napoleon 
to abdicate absolutely. On the nth of April, 1814, he renounced 
for himself and children the thrones of France and Italy, and 
received the little island of Elba in exchange for his vast 
sovereignty, the limits of which had extended from Cadiz to 
the Baltic Sea. On the 20th, after an affecting farewell to his 
old soldiers, he departed for his new principality. 



364 



The French Revolution 



Thus fell this man, who alone, for fourteen years, had filled 
the world. His enterprising and organising genius, his power 
of life and will, his love of glory, and the inunense disposable 
force which the revolution placed in his hands, have made him 
the most gigantic being of modem times. That which would 
have rendered the destiny of another extraordinary, scarcely 
counts in his. Rising from an obscure to the highest rank; 
from a simple artillery officer becoming the chief of the greatest 
of nations, he dared to conceive the idea of universal monarchy, 
and for a moment realized it. After having obtained the 
empire by his y'v lories, he wished to subdue Europe by means 
of France, and reduce England by means of Europe, and he 
established the military system against the continent, the 
blockade against Great Britain. This design succeeded for 
some years; from Lisbon to Moscow he subjected people and 
potentates to his word of command as general, and to the vast 
sequestration which he prescribed. But in this way he failed in 
discharging his restorative mission of the i8th Brumaire. By 
exercising on his own account the power he had received, by 
attacking the liberty of the people by despotic institutions, the 
independence of states by war, he excited against himself the 
opinions and interests of the human race; he provoked uni- 
versal hostility. The nation forsook him, and after having been 
long victorious, after having planted his standard in every 
capital, after having during ten years augmented his power, and 
gained a kingdom with every battle, a single reverse combined 
the world against him, proving by his fall how impossible in our 
days is despotism. 

Yet Napoleon, amidst all the disastrous results of his system, 
gave a prodigious impulse to the continent; his armies carried 
with them the ideas and customs of the more advanced civiliza- 
tion of France. European societies were shaken on their old 
foundations; nations were mingled by frequent intercourse; 
bridges thrown across boundary rivers; high roads made over 
the Alps, Apennines, and Pyrenees, brought territories nearer 
to each other; and Napoleon effected for the material condition 
of states what the revolution had done for the minds of men. 
The blockade completed the impulse of conquest ; it improved 
continental industry, enabling it to take the place of that of 
England, and replaced colonial commerce by the produce of 
manufactures. Tims Napoleon, by agitating nations, contri- 
buted to their civilization. His despotism rendered him counter- 
revolutionary with respect to France: but his spirit of conquest 



Napoleon the Child of War 365 

made him a regenerator with respect to Europe, of which many 
nations, in torpor till he came, will live henceforth with the life 
he gave them. But in this Napoleon obeyed the dictates of his 
nature. The child of war — war was his tendency, his pleasure ; 
domination his object; he wanted to master the world, and 
circumstances placed it in his hand, in order that he might make 
use of it. 

Napoleon has presented in France what Cromwell presented 
for a moment in England ; the government of the army, which 
always establishes itself when a revolution is contended against; 
it then gradually changes, and from being civil, as it was at first, 
becomes military. In Great Britain, internal war not being 
complicated with foreign war, on account of the geographical 
situation of the country, which isolated it from other states, as 
soon as the enemies of reform were vanquished, the army passed 
from the field of battle to the government. Its intervention 
being premature, Cromwell, its general, found parties still in 
the fury of their passions, in all the fanaticism of their opinions, 
and he directed against them alone his military administration. 
The French revolution taking place on the continent saw the 
nations disposed for liberty, and sovereigns leagued from a fear 
of theliberation of their people. It had not only internal enemies, 
but also foreign enemies to contend with; and while its armies 
were repelling Europe, parties were overthrowing each other 
in the assemblies. The military intervention came later; 
Napoleon, finding factions defeated and opinions almost forsaken, 
obtained obedience easily from the nation, and turned the 
military government against Europe. 

This difference of position materially influenced the conduct 
and character of these two extraordinary men. Napoleon, dis- 
posing of immense force and of uncontested power, gave himself 
up in security to the vast designs and the |^ of a conqueror; 
while Cromwell, deprived of the assent which a worn out people 
could give, and, incessantly attacked by factions, was reduced to 
neutralise them one by the other, and keep himself to the end 
the military dictator of parties. The one employed his genius in 
undertaking; the other in resisting. Accordingly, the former 
had the frankness and decision of power ; the other, the craft and 
hypocrisy of opposed ambition. This situation would destroy 
their sway. 

All dictatorships are transient; and however strong or 
great, it is imposssible for any one long to subject parties 
or long to retain kingdoms. It is this that, sooner or later. 



366 The French Revolution 

would have led to the fall of Cromwell (had he lived longer,) 
by internal conspiracies; and that brought on the downfall 
of Napoleon, by the raising of Europe. Such is the fate of all 
powers which, arising from Uberty, do not continue to abide with 
her. In 1814, the empire had just been destroyed; the revolu- 
tionary parties had ceased to exist since the i8th Brumaire. All 
the governments of this political period had been exhausted. 
The senate recalled the old royal family. Already unpopular 
on account of its past serviUty, it ruined itseif in public opinion 
by publbhing a constitution, tolerably liberal, but which placed 
on Ae same footing the pensions of senators and the guarantees 
of the nation. The Count d'Artois, who had been the first to 
leave France, was the first to return, in the character of heu- 
tenant-general of the kingdom. He signed, on the 23rd ot 
April, the convention of Paris, which reduced the French 
territory to its limits of the ist of January, 179*. a^d by which 
Belirium, Savoy, Nice, and Geneva, and immense military stores, 
cea^d ti belong to us. Louis XVIII. landed at Calais on the 
a4th of April, and entered Paris with solemnity on the 3rd oJ 
May, 1814, after having, on the and, made the Declaration of 
Saint Oraer, which fixed the principles of the representative 
government, and which was foUowed on the 2nd of June by the 
promulgation of the charter. 

At this epodi, a new series of events begins. The year 1814 
was the term of the great movement of the preceding five and 
twenty years. The revolution had been political, as directed 
against the absolute power of the court; and the pnvileged classes, 
mi military, because Europe had attacked it. The reaction 
which arose at that time only destroyed the empire and brought 
about the coaUtion in Europe, and the representative system 
in France ; such was to be its first period. Later, it opposed the 
revolution, and produced the holy alliance against the peoj^e, 
and the government of a party against the charter, ihis 
retrograde movement necessarily had its course and limits. 
France can only be ruled in a durable manner by satisfying the 
twofold need which made it undertake the revolution. It 
requires real political liberty in the government; and m society, 
the material prosperity produced by the continuaUy progressmg 
development of civilization. 



INDEX 



Admiral, l\ 234 

Aim6, J. T., 301 

Aix, Archbishop of, 74 

Aii-la-Chapelle, 176 

Alessandria, 291, 339 

Alvinzy, Generate 292 

Amar, 333, 243, 346, 256, 3S7, 289 

Ambleteuse, 344 

Amiens, 337 

Amsterdam, 264 

Andr^, 93 

Angers, 196, 386 

Anselme, General, 147 

Antiboul, 195, 304 

Antonelle, 138 

Antwerp, 363 

Aranda, Count d', 127 

Arcis-sur-Aube, 309, 212 

Argenton, 196 

Argentua, 391 

Argonne, 196, 303 

Arlon, 363 

Arras, 197, 220, 347, 263 

Artots, Count d', 26, 46, 76, 90, gi, 

96, 112 
Aubiers, 178 
Aubry, 271, 301 
Audoin, 329 

Augereau, 398, 399, 300, 341, 361 
Augsburg, 393 
Auguis, 359 
Atmiont, Duke d', 37 
Austerlitz, 345, 346, 348 
Austria, 88-90, xxs, 115, 116, 149, 

174-76. 363, 291-93. 304. 308, 309, 

313, 3!-.9 :3i, 344-48. 351.353-56, 

359-f' 
Auticbamp, d', 330 



Babeuf, 2S7-90 

Baile, Moise, 246 

Bailleul, 331 

Bailly, 27, 38, 45, 46, 52, 91 

109, 204 
BMe, 46 115, 117, 265 
Bancal'des-lssarts, 43, 180 
Barbaroux, 153-55. X57. 190, 

X93, 305 

Barbi^Marbols, 294, 395, 301, 330 
Bards, 316 
Barentin, 20, 36 



95, 104, 



191 



Bamave, 53, 85, 92, 94, 104, 120, 142 
Barras, 200, 204, 239, 340, 244, 373, 

374. 377, 382, 283, 297-99. 305, 

307, 309, 310, 312, 315, 316 
Barr^re, 157, 159, 164, 183, 187, 188, 

igo, 199, 304, 305, 312, 213, 323, 

229, 233, 336, 343-46, 348, 255 
Barth61emy, 295, 297, 299, 301, 307 
Baux, 195 

Bavaria, 88, 344-48. 356, 35» 
Bayard, 301 
Bayonue, 364 
Bazire, 104, 332 

Beauhamais, Prince Eugene de, 344 
Beaulieu, 130, 391-93 
Beaupr^au, 178 
Beauvais, 304 
Belgium, 115, 117, 147, 175, 17*, 

179, 196, 303, 263, 264, 293, 294, 

304, 305. 360, 361 
B^nisech, 398 
Benevento, Prince of, 362 
Bentabole, 333, 244, 253 
Berghen, 314 
Bergoing, 191 
Berfier, 335 
Berlin, 348 
Bemadotte, 313, 313, 330, 341, 354, 

?6o, 361 
Berne, 306 
Bemier, 330 
Berruyer, General, 301 
Berthier, 46, 341, 346 
Bertrand, 191, 310 
Besenval, Baron de, 47 
Bessi^res, 341 
Beugnot, 104 

BeumonviUe, 145, 146, 180 
Bigonet, 319 
Bilbao, 265 
Billaud-Varennes, 141, igo, 203, 306, 

312, 213, 3i6, 320, 223, 227, 230, 

233. 235. 336, 343, 244. 246-48, 2^^. 

Biron, General, 117, 118, 138, 144, 

20Z 
Blrotteau, 191 
Blacons, Marquis des, 48 
Blain, 301 
BUicher, 360, 361 
Boileau, 191, 204 
Bois-le-Duc, 363 

367 



368 



The French Revolution 



Boissy d'Anglas, 334. 344. >}S, ajS, 

JJ9, 271, 475, 301 
Bologna, 393 

Bonaparte, Jerome, 348, 333 
Bonaparte, Joseph, 341, 346, 330, 

35' 
Bonaparte, Louis, 346, 334 
Bonaparte, Lucien, 313, 318-21, 341 
Boaaparte, Napoleon, 374, 385, 390- 

93, 398, 305, iod, 315-33. 336-30, 

333-66 
Bonchamps, i'/", 303 
Bonn, 363 
Bon ier, 308 
Bordeaux, 68, 194, 196, 300, 304, 

205, 361 
Borghese, Prince, 347 
Borne, joi 
Boucham, 196 
Bonilli, General, 60, 82, 83, 91, 93, 

96, 160, 173 
Boulanger, 336 
Boulay, 318 
Boulogne, 344. 343 
Bourbon, Duke de, 105 
Bourbotte, 301, 359-61 
Bourdon, Leonard, 329, 339, 341, 

356 
Boiurdon de I'Oise, 212, 226, 337, 

339, 333. 334. 339. 344, 371, 301 
Bourges, 183 
Bourguignon, 313 
Bourmont. 330 
Br6ard, 343 
Breda, 176. 263 
Breisgau, 112 
Bressuire, 178, 196 
Brest, 196 

Breteuil, Baron de, 32, 42 
Blienne, 12-16 
Brissot, 95, 104, 136, 159, "82, 191, 

204, 261 
Brogue, Marshal de, 33, 43. 47 
Brothier^ Abb*, 390, 301 
Brune, General, 312, 314, 33°. 34' 
Brunette, 291 
Brunswick, 127, 263 
Brunswick, Duke of, 128, 145-47 
Brussels, 33, 105, 115, 263 
Bureau-de-Pusy, 139 
Buzot, 53, 104, 191, 193. 305 

Cabanais, 318, 331 

Cadiz, 355 

Cadoudal, George, 386, 330, 338, 339 

Cadroy, 301 

Caen, 193, 200, 204 

Cabier de Gerville, 113 

Calais, 323, 344 



Calonne, 11, 12, 15. 46, 90 
Calvados, xo6, 196, 300, 267 
Cambac^ris, 344, 311, 337 
Cambon, 186, 306, 339, 333, 243, 348, 

356 
Cambrai, 347 
Campo-Formio, 304, 308, 331, 337, 

344, 346 
Camus, 39, lox. 180, i8z 
Candaux, General, 30X 
Caprara, Cardinal, 334 
Camot, 303, 306, 343, 346, 348, 263, 
277. 383. 285, 297-99. 301, 307, 339 
Carra, 204 

Carrier, 220, 247, 249, 251 
Carteaux, General, 300, 301. 373 
Cassel, 302 

CatheUneau, 178, 196. 201 
Cayenne. 301 
Cazalis, 50, 51 

Chabot, 104, 121, 222, 228, 336 
Chilier, 193 

Chalons, 91, 128, 145-47 
I Cbambon, 191 
Chambonnas, Scipio, 120 
Champion, 133, 134 
Championnet, General, 309, 313 
Chapelier, 75, 85 
Charenton, 130 

Charette, 178, 196, 202, 267, 286 
Charleroi, 263 

Charles, Archduke, 392, 309, 344, 345 
Charles VI., 350 
Charles XIII., 354 
Charleville, 37, 3B 
Charlier, 233 
Chartres, Bishop of, 48 
Chartres, Duke de, 179, l8i 
Chasle, 256 

ChStillon, 1/8, 302, 330 
Chaumette, 186, 208, 313, 332, 227, 

228 
Chaviot, 136 
Chazal, 318, 331 
Chinier, 244. 253, 372, 375, 33' 
Cherasco, 391 
Cholet, 178, 202 
Choudieu, 387 

Clairfait, General, 128, 145,263, 363 
ClaviSre, 113, 119, i3o, 191, 303 
Clermont, Bishop of, 74, 160 
Clermont Tonnerre, 44, 31 
Cl«ry, 164, 168 
Clootz, Anacharsis, 308, 312, 213, 

215, 332 
Clugny, 9 

Cobenzl, Baron von, 115 
Coblentz. 76, 82. 90, 105, ii5, 122, 
128, 139, 147, itiu, 263 



Index 



369 



Coburg, Prince o(, 175, 179, aoa, 263, 

363 
Cochon de Lapparent, 398, 301 
Coflinhall, 330, 338, 339, 241 
Colli, 391 
Collot d'Herbois, 141, 204-6, 213, 213, 

321, 224, 337, 343, 346-48, 255 
Cologne, 263 

Colombel, 373 

Conde, 180, 181, 197, 203 

Cond£, Prince de, 26, 46, 76, 90, 105, 

112, 365, 300 
Condorcet, 1041, \gy, 205, 253 
Constant, Benjamin, 331 
Conti, Prince de, 26, 46 
Corday, Charlotte, 194 
Comudet, 315, 336 
Couchery, 301 
Courtrai, 263 
Couthon, 102, 304-6, 312, 220, 223, 

335, 326, 230, 333, 237, 338, 341, 

245 
Cr^pi, 19 
Cur^, 339 
Curtius, 33 
Custine, 138, 144, 147, 175, 196, 203 

Dampierre, 181, ig6 

Danican, General, 375 

Danton, 95, 105, 129, 136, 141-43, 

152, 155, ijfi, 170, i73» 184-86. 

z88, 190, 208-xo, 2i3'i4, 216-18, 

322, 323, 226, 228, 239 

Darthe, 289, 390 

Daunou, 271-73, 277, 331 

Davoust, 341 

Debry, Jean, 125 

Delacroix, 397, 298 

Delahaye, 301 

Delame, 301 

Delbred, 318 

D- essart, 109, 112, 113 

Delmas, General, 334 

Denmark, 174, 349 

Des^ze, 165 

Desmouiins, CamiUe, 32, 95, 105, 129, 

209, 210, 212, 213, 217, 218, 232, 

228, 345, 353 
Dillon, General, 117, 118, 145, 203 
Dinan, 263 
Dordrecht, 176 
Dossonville, 301 
Doum^e, 30X 
Dresden, 356, 359 
Drouet, 287 
Dubouchage, 133 
Dubuisson, 179 
Duchastel, loi, 204 

Duces, 191, 193, 304 



Dufrise, 336 

Dugommier, General, 363. 364 

Duhoux, General, 375 

Dumas, 104, 318, 230. 236, 294, 301 

Dumolard, 301 

Dumont, 244 

Dumouriex, 113-20, 127, 138, 144-46, 

17a, 173. 175, 176» 179-82, 187, 

188, 193, 196, 203, 263 
Dunan, 290, 301 
Dundas, 331 
Dunkirk, xi6, 196 
Duperret, 204 
Duphot, General, 306 
Duplain, 141 
Duplantier, 301 
Dupont, 294, 351 

Duport, 44, 52, 53, 97, 104, 120, 142 
Duportail, 109, zi2 
Duprat, 204 
Duquesnoy, 259-6i 
Durand de Maillane, 234, 235 
Duranton, 113, 119, 120 
Durfort, Count Alphonse de, 90 
Duroy, 259-61 
Dussautx, 190, 191 
Duval, 145, 339 
Duveryer, 106 

Echess^riaux, 345 

Egypt, 305, 308, 313, 314 

Elba, 337 

Elb6e, d', 178, 303 

Elie, 40, 43 

Enghien, Duke d', 338 

England, 88-91, 137, 140, 162, 173- 
75, 178, 197, 200, 308, 365, 267, 
263, 385, 286, 294, 304-6, 308, 314, 
328, 330, 331, 337, 349, 351, 354. 
58, 361 

Entraigues, d', 16, 33 

Epr^menil. d', 13, 33 

Erfurt, 348, 352 

Etaples, 344 

Ettenheim, 338 

Eugene, Prince, 361 

Evereux, 193 

Eylau, 348 

Fabre-d* Eglantine, 105, 129, 209, 

212, 223 

Famars, 181, 196 
Fargues, 315 
Fauchet, 190, 204 
Favras, Marquis of, 76 
F6raud, 239, 358, 359 
Ferdinand, Archduke 344 
Ferdinand, King of Naples, 346 
Ferdinand Vll., 330, 351 



The French Revolution 



370 

Fetmond, tys 

Pemra, 393 

Petrtiid-Valllaot, 301 

Perriira, Maiquu de, 84, 93, 106 

Peuillant, 34] 

Plgueras, 363 

Plaugergues, 360 

FleiKUes, de, 36, 41, 43, 44 

Fkuriot, 337, 330, 337, 340 

neurua, 363 

Fonfrtde, Boyer, 183, 193, 304 

FoucM, 304, 313, 313. 333. 337, 330 

Foulon, 33, 46 

Fouquler-TinviUe, 333, 343 

Francis II., Emperor, 347 

Frantois, 67, 398, 339 

Frijus, 314 

Frteon, 300, 304, 337, 329, 333, 339, 

340, 344, 34s. 349, 339 
Friedland, 348 
FrotK, 330 
Fumes, 303 
Fvon, 387 

Galissonniire, la, 33 

GaUois, 360 

Gamon, 375 

Ganilli, 43 

Garat, 184, 186, 330 

Gard, 389 

Gardien, 191, 304 

Gaudin, Emile, 318 

GauvtUiers, General, 173 

Geneva, 306 

Genoa, 338, 344 

Gensonni, 104, ij". i73. iSj, 191 

193, 304 
Gerle, Dom, 338 
Gertruydenberg, 176 
Gevaudan, xo6 
Gibert Desmoliires, 301 
Girardin, 130 
Givet, 1x7, 196 
Gobet, 323 
Godoy, 350 

Gohier, 310, 311, 315, 3'* 
Ooislard, 13 
Gomaire, 191 
Gonchon, 131 
Gorsas, 191 
Goujon, 260 
Grandpr*, 145, 146 
Grangeneuve, Z02, 191 
Granville, 303 
Grave, de, 113 
Gr^goire, 330 
GrencUe, 388-90 
GienviUe, Lord, 331 
Grisel, 388 



Guadet, 103, 104, 134, 1B3, 183, 191, 

X93i 305, adz 
GuSroi, 339 
Guiana, 333 
Gustavua Adolpbus IV., 334 

Hague, The, 363 

Haguenau, 363 

Harpe, La, 366, 372 

Hubert, 183, 308, 213, 313, 313. 332, 

338 
Heidelberg, 385 
Henri La Riviere, 191, 303, 333, 338. 

371, 301 
Henriot, 183, 186. 188-91, 327, 330, 

336-43, 260 
H6rault de Stehclles, 183, 190, 197, 

303, 343 
Hoche, General, 302, 203, 362, 363, 

268, 386, 293, 397, 398, 313 
Hohenlohe, Irinoe von, 138, 145 
HoUand, 89, 115, 173, '73. 176, 363- 

65. 38s, 394, 305, 309. 3'3. 33». 

344, 346, 349. 354. 360 
Hondschootp, 303 
Hood, Admiral, 300 
Hoogfede, 363 

Houchard, General, 302, 203 
HuUn, 40 
Hungary, xz6, 126 
Hunmguen, Zl6, 173 

Imbert Colom^s, 300, 30Z 
Isnard, Z04, zzo, '23. Z84, 190, ::33, 
33Z 

Jean-Bon-Saint-Andri, 34s 

lean de Bry, 308 

Jemappes, zy9, 303 

Jena, 348 

John, Archduke, 344 

Joly, De, 133-35 

Jordan, Camille, 396, 301 

Joscphme Empress, 341, 355 

Joubert, General 262, 309, 3ZZ, 3Z3 

Jourdan, General, 303, 203, 363, 363, 

285, 29«. 309. 34Z 
Jourdan Gall, 30Z 
Jourdeuil, Z4Z 
Jimot, 350, 33 z 
Jusnay, 367 

Kaunitz, Prince von, zz2, zz5 

Kelletmazm, General, Z38, Z44-47, 
200-3, 385, 29Z, 34Z 
I Kersaint, 138 

Kcrvelegan, Z9Z, 253. 358, 259 
' Kleber, General, 362, 3Z4 

Korsakov, 313, 3Z4 



Index 



37 » 



Labourdoanaie, General. 138, 144 

L«C«rriAre,30i » ^ • « 

Lacaze^ 304 

Lacoste. 113, 119, 130 

Lacretellc, juu., 37a 

Lacroix, 173, 190, 309, 313, 317, 318, 

33S 
;.aiayftte, 36, 43, 33, 56, 39, 62-65, 

67, 77. 80, 83. 83, 86, 91, 95, 98, 

X09, Xt3, 1x7, XI8, X30, 131, 133, 

X34, X37, 138, 130, 133, I38-40, 

180, x8x, 303 
Lafond'I.adebat, 301 
Lain6, 360 
Lai aire, 130 

Lally-ToUendal, 34, 51, 57, 66, 120 
Laloi, 345 
Lamarque, iSo 
Lambesc, Prince de, 33 
Lambrechts, 331 
L*nieth, 52, 77, 85, 93, 94, 104, izo, 

X3?. 142 
Lanu, 287 
Lamoignon, 13, 14 
Lanjuinais, 157, 189-91, 193, 205, 

333. 271, 275, 330 
Lannes, General, 329, 341 
Lanth^nas, 190, 191 
Laon. 363 
Laprevelaye, 330 
La R^veiUere-Lipaux. 190, 305, 354 

277, 283, 283, 397-99, 307, 309! 

3x0 
LascheQaye, X33 
Lasource^ 191, 304 
LatouT'Maubourg, 92, 139 
Laumont, 301 
Launay, de, 39-42, 44 
Lavalette. 298 
La Vendue, 106, 177, 178, 196, 301, 

303, 366, 367, 386, 330 
Lavilheurnois, 390, 301 
Lebas, 336-38, 241, 363 
Lebon, Joseph, 220, 247, 389 
Lebrun, 191, 315, 337 
Lechelle, 20 x 
Leclerc, General, 321 
Lecointre, 233, 246, 348, 256 
Lettvre, 316, 320, 341 
Lefort, 141 
Legendre, 131, 217, 227, 239, 239, 

244, 248, 358, 359 
Lehardy, 191, 304 
Leipzig, 359 
Lemaitre, 373 
Le Mans, 196 

Lemarchand-Goiuicouft, 301 
Lemercier. 3x5 
LemArer, 30 x 



Lenfent, 141 

Lenoir- Laroche. 398, 33X 

Leoben, 393, 304 

Lepelletier Saint Fargeau, t7x, 373 

Usage, X91 205, 354 

Lescure, 178, 196, 303 

Letoumeur, 373, 377, 383, ifj 

Leyden, 364 

Lhuillier, 186 

Liancourt, Duke de, 44 

Lida, Bishop of, 84 

Lidon, 191 

LiKoniiier, General, 178 

Lille. 117, 118, 147, 180, 363, 305 

Lindct, Robert, 163, 300, 205, 346, 
31 X 

Linglet, 319 

Lisbon, 350 

Lombardy, 391, 304, 339 

Longwy, 118, 138, 143, 147 

Louis XL, 3 

Louis XIV., 3-5 

Louis XVy 5, 6, 8 

Louis XVL, 6-10, 13, 19, 30, S3, 26, 
28-32, 42-46, 48, 59-64. 76, 78-80, 
83. 85, 90-96, 98, 101-5, 107, 108, 
no, III. 1x3, 115, 116, X18-20, 
123-36, 139, 133-37. 140, i4», 149. 
X59-74, X97, 200 

Louis XVlfl., 313 

Louis-Stanislaus-Xavier, 107, 112 

Louvaio, 176 

Louvet, 155*57. X91, X93, 305, 353. 
273 

Luckner, Marshal, 113, 117, tit, 137, 
138, X39. X44, 203 

LuniviUe, 331, 344, 346 

Luzerne, La, 33 

Lyons, 76, 194-96, 300, sox, 204, 230, 
267, 361 

Mac-Cartin, 301 

Macdonald, 309, 339 

Mack, General, 179, 344, 345 

Madier, 301 

Madrid, 350-52 

Maastricht, 176, 263, 265 

Magdeburg, 139 

Maigret, 220 

Maillard, 63, 63, 301 

Mailpe, 161, 301 ■ 

Maine, 360 

Mainvielle, 204 

Maison, General, 361 

Malstre, de, 138 

Malesherbes, 8, 9, 165, 167, 16S 

Mallet-Dupan, 120, 357 

Malmesbury, Lord, 305 

Male, 389 ^i 



37* 



The French Revolution 



Malouet, no 

Mandat, 131-33 

Mannheim, 364, 185 

Mant, «» 

Mantua, 91, 113, agi, 99s, 3>9 

Manuel, 134 

Marat, 129, 141, i)', I94. 133, S3D. 

i7o-7a, i8a-85, 188, 191, 194, 195, 

ao7, «9, J47, asa 
Maro6, General, 178 
Marceau, General, a6a 
Marebtoa, a66 
Marengo, 339, 331, 346 
Maria Louise, Empress, 33 j 
Mario Antoinette, 9a, 109, 13a, 134- 

36, ao4 
Marly, a6, a7 
Marseilles, ia7, 130, J31, 194-96, 

aoo, ao4, a67 
Masatna, General, 3ia-i4, 34i, 349. 

353 

Maubeuge, aoa, aoa 

Maulde, ia7, Z43 

Maulevrier, Count de, a75 

Maupeou, 13, 14, 3a7 

Maurepaa, 8, 10, 17 

Maury, AbM, 50, 51, 75, 81 

Maybeuge, lao 

Mayence, 147, I75, »97, aoi, 364, 285 

Mayence, Elector of, no 

Mazarin, 174 

Meaux, I7r 

Mida, a4i 

Melas, 3a8, 339 

Melzi, 343 

Menin, a63 

Menou, a74 

Merlin, 104, aa6, aa7, a44, a43, asi, 

853, a7i, a73, a97, 307. 309, 310 
Mersan, 301 

MeU, 60, 68, 8a, 117, "8, 145 
Meudon, 398 
M«ii«:es, 117, ia8 
Miazinski, 176 
Milan, a9i, 3a9, 334, 346 
Millesmio, agi 
Mirabeau, 25, a8, 39, 31, 43-45. 5a- 

55, 62, 70, 77, 81, 85-87, 93. 97, 

141, 160 
Miranda, General, 176, 301 
MoleviUe.'Bertrand de, 109, 112, 113 
MoUeveau, 191 
Moncey, a64, a65, 341 
Mondovi, 291 
Monestier, aa9 
Moiunoro, ai5 
Monnier, David, 312 
Mons, 117 
Montauban, 195 



Monte BeUo, 329 

Montenotte, aoi, 344 

Monteaquiou, General, S17, 147 

Montmedy, 91 

Montmorin, 3a, 9a 

Morbihan, a86 

Mi>r('au de Saiut-,\Mry, 4a, 203, a6a, 

263, a86, 292, 300, 313, 328, 331, 

338 
Morgan, General, 30X 
Morrison, i6x, i6a 
Mortier, 341, 359 
Moscow, 356-58 
Moulins, 311, 315, 316. 3»8 
Mounier, 34, 51, 57. 59. 66, 93, lao, 

180 
Munich, 344, 345 
Muraire, 301 
Murat, 34J, 330, 36t 
Murinais, 30X 

Namur, 117 

Nancy, 83 

Nancy, Bishop of, 73 

Nantes, 196, aoi, aao, 347-30, 386 

Naples, 309, 331, 346, 347 

Narbonne, 1x3, 113, xx8 

Necker, S-xa, xj, 16, xg, 21, 33, 26, 

27, 29, 3a, 34, 35, 45-47, 5X, 57, 69. 

70, 8x, 120, X50 
Necker, Madame, 33 
Neerwinden, 179 
Ney, 34X, 355, 359 
Nice, X47, 391, 338, 339 
Nlmes, 195 

Nivemois, Duke de, 373 
Noailles, Viscount de, 43, 48, 301 
Noirmoutiers, 303 
Novi, 3x3 
Noyon, 31 

OUniitz, 139 

Oporto, 35X, 355 

Orange, 330 

Orleans, Duke of, 13, X9, 29, 32, 55. 

63, 67, 81, x8x, 304 
Ormesson, d*, 44 
Osselin, 153 
Ott, Field-Marshal, 338 

Pache, xSa, x86, 337 
Paine, Thomas, 159 
Panis, 141, 329, 333 
Papal States, 351 
Paradis, 301 

Paris, Archbishop of, 7x, ao8 
Parma, 337 
Parrein, 387 
Pastoret, xas, 394, 301 
Pavie, 301 



Index 



Pfaeira, 179 

Perignon, J65. 341 

Peronne, 76, 263 

Pcrpignan, 364 

P*t|et, 197, 298 

Pition, J3, 62, 92, 93, 104, 109, 113 

III' ,T' ''"• '"• '<♦• ''*. 'W. 
Ph lip AuguJtuj, 3 
Philippeiiux, General, aoi. 200 217 

218, 222 ' 

Philipjyville, 116, 117 

Philip<burg, 263 

Pichegrii, ftenpral, 202, 203, 262-64 

'';>, »95, 209-301, 329, 338, 3,0 
Piedmont, 89, 201. 264, 265, 291, a9i, 



373 



PiUiitz. 



niti, 96, nj 

'''344.^49'""' '"' "*' ^°'' "' 
Poland, 88-90, 115, 174, 265, 348, 356 
Polignac, Countess de, 23 
Polissard, 301 
Poncelin, 266 
Porentniy. 115 
Portalis, 294, 301, 330 
Portugal, 349, 351, 354, 355 
Prague, 359, 360 
Praire-Montaud, 301 
'^*cy. J93 
Fressburg. 346 

ftieur de la Cftte d'Or, 306, 241 
Pneur de la Marne, 194. 306 aa^ 
J45, 2S9 ' *^ 

Proly, 179 
Prudhon, 321 
Prussia, 89-91, 96, 106, 136-28, 142- 

Puysaye, Marquis de, 196, 367, 368 
Puysigur, 32 

Quatremire-Quincy, 301 
Quetineau, General, 178 
Quiberon, 268 
Quiaette, 180, 311 

Rabaud-Saint-Etienne, 191, 305, 253 

i 9in6i, 184 

R ,!usa, Duke of, 362, 363 

Ramel, 297, 300, 301 

Ramond, 104 

Rastadt, 304, 337 

Raynouard, 360 

Rebecqui, 153, 155, 195 

Regnier, 316 

Reichenbach, 89, 115 



Reinhart, ]ii 

Renaud, Cteile, 224 

RewbcU, ajo, 277. »«J, iSj, »97-oo. 
307.309-11 

Rheims, 138, 145 

Rh«tel, I4J 

Rictielieu, 174 

Richepanse, General, 398 

Richer-de-S«riiy, 366, 372 

Rirord, 287 

Roberjot, 308 

Robrspierre, 32, 93, 105, 129, 133- 
J8 161, 163, 170-72, 182, 185, 187, 
IBS, 192, 303, 208. 209, 213-14, 
3l6, 217, 220-34, 326-49, 2S2, 356 

Robespierre {the younger), 337, 338, 

Rocharabeau, 113, 117, 118, 203 
Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, Duke de 

la, 31, 8j, 123 
Rochejaquelin, La, 178, 196. 303 
Roederer, 121, 133-35 
Roger Ducos, 310, 311, 316, 317, 333, 

320 
Roland, :i3, 114, ,,9, ,„_ ,j5_ ,jj 

160, 182, 192, 203, 205 
Roland, Mme,, 114, 303 
Romagna, 393 

Rome, 306, 307, 308, 330, 351 
Rome, King of, 355 
Romme, 194, 339-61 
Ronsm, 208, 313, 315, 338 
Rosas, 265 

Rossignol, General, aoi, 387 
Rostopchin, 337 
Rouairie, Count de la, 178 
Rouen, 68, 123 
Rousseau, J. J., 153 
RovSre, 227, 229, 233, 339. a44. 37l, 

Ruamps, 226, 256 

Russia, 89, 90, 106, 137, 174, 308 
309. 312-14, 331. 344-49. 3S3-57 ' 

Sablons, 273, 374 
Saint Amand, 180 
Saint Cloud, 86, 316, 317, 330. t<a 

340 • ' • "^^ 

Saint Denis, 32, 38 
Saint-Emilion, 205 
Saint Florent, 178 

Saint Hurugue, Marquis de, 131, 132 
Saint-Just, 162, 205, 213, «I3, 313 

217, 221-23, 230, 333, a33. ti?'. 

?38, 241, 245, 263 
Samt-Legier, 260 
Saint Omer, 32 
St. Petersburg, 305 
Saint Priest, 32 



374 



Thi. French Revolution 



,3)1 



Stinl-QiHiitin, 163 

Salnt-Reiirat, sjo 

Stiat Vtncnt, 17S 

Stlnte-Menebould, 146 

Saltdin, 171, SOI 

Stile, U, 41 

Silln, 107, 191. )o5 

San Domlnio, 965, 331 

Sin SebutMii, 164 

S*ntem, 103, tai, iia, 133, 164, 168 

Svdinla, 91, ia«, I74. >9S. >9i> 309 

Saumur, 14a, 196, loi 

Stvenay, aM 

Savoy, >9t 

Saxe-TeMhen, Duke of, 147 

Saxony, 34!, 336> 339 

Scbfen, 183, iq», 309 

Schwarttenberg, 360, 361 

Sebaitianl, 33.11 

Sedan, 117, "8, 138, 14a, 14} 

Sens, Archblsbop of. Sit Brienne 

Setgent, 141 

Steurier, 341 

Servan, General, 113, 119. lao. 



144. 



»45. ao3 
eville, 



Seville, 335 
Sivres, 3a 

Sieyta, 16, as, 29. 93. 94. 67, 8j, 104 
r39, a44, a33, as6. a77. aSs, 309- 
1'. 3«3, 3»5-«7, 3ao, 3aa-a7 
sultry, ao4 
Sixnten, a94, 301. 330 
Slttova, 89 

Solucni, 31, 116, 138, 130, 36a 
Sombrruii, de, 30 
Sotin, 398 

Soubrany,as9-6x 
Souham, General, 263 

Soult, 333. 36» 

Spain, 91, 106, 174. aoo, 264, 165, 
308, 331, 347, 349-3a, 334, 335. 36> 

Spires, 147, a64 

Spires, Bisbop of, no 

Stenai, 117 

Stofflet, 178, 196, a67, a86 

Suard, 301 

Sucbet, 3a8, 329, 333 

Susa, 391 

Suvorov, 312, 314 

Suiannet, 330 

Sweden, 88, 90, 106, 137, 174. 33i. 
333, 334. 359 

Switzerland, 89, 91, 174, 303, 309, 
338, 337, 344, 347, 360 

Talleyrand, 71, 80. 84, 298, 311, 337, 

347, 36a 
Tallien, 141, 186, aoo, 337, 339, 333, 

336, 344-46, 376 



Talmont, 178 

Talon, ite 

Tarawoa, 167 

Tenda, 191 

TeiTiet de Moneell, lao 

Tbtot, Calberine, aaS, 336 

Thibeaudeau, 344, 371, 376, 397 

Tbionville, laS 

Thirion, 333 

Tbouars, 1916 

Thouvenol, Colonel, 181 

Thuret, 67, 98 

Thuriot de fa Rotitoe, 39> i^. "^ 

336, 343, 396 
Thiirreau, General, 3oa 
Tilsit, 348, 33< 
Tirlemont, 176 
Torres-Vedras, 333 
Toulon, 193, 300, aoi, 304, 
Toulouse, 69 
Toumai, 117 

Toussaint-L'Overture, 331 
Treilbard, 343. 3o7, 309. 3So 
Tr*ves, 147 

Trives, Elector of, 110-13 
Troncbet, 163 

Tronton-du-Coudray, 366, 394, 301 
Troyes, 13 
Turgot, 8-10 

Turin, 46, 76, 391, 309, 339 
Turkey, 88, 89, 174, 306, 308, 31 

331 

Ulm, 39a, 343, 346 

United States, 89, too, 139, 140 



, aao, 37 



336, 343, 34 



Utrecbt, 363 

Vadier, 337-39, 333. 336, 
348, 353. 336, 387, 389 
Valaij, 191, ao4 

Valenciennes, 117, 118, 180, 197, a 
Valmy, 146, 303 
Vandamme, 339 

Varennes, 33, 76, 9a. 97, 164, '63 
Vaublanc, 104, in, 130, 373, 394 
Vauguyon, Duke de la, 3a 
Vauviliiers, 301 
Venice, 393. 304 
Venloo, 363 

Verdun, 138, 14a, 143, «45. »47 
Vergniaud, 104, 133, 133, S33. i: 

i}2, 136. 137, 139. 167, J76, i: 

183, 186, 167, 191, 193, 304, 3 

361 
Vernier, 338 
Vernon, 300 
Versailles, 8, 19, 30, 33, 34, 43. 

65, 84. 89. 398 
Vienna, 343, 347. 333 



Index 



VIcniw, Archbltbop of, 3], 36 
Vtenot-Vtublinc, 301 
Vi|4«, 141, J04 
Viblm. 178 
ViUt Mat, a6s 
VUlant- Joycunr, 301 
ViUatr, »9 

Vincennrs, 83, 398, 338 
Viiifui, Count de, 33, 48, 193 
Vlttoria, 163 
Voulaod, M7, 329, 14C 

WMTUn, 353. 354 
Wuhington, Oeorgr, 43, 140 
Watignim, ao>, 161 
WaitKinbirg, 117, 363 



375 



I WeUlnftoo, Duke of, 331, 333, 361 
Wartiogra, 343 

WMtermann, 136, 309, 310, 317, 363 
Wralphalia. 34I1, 333, 336 
Whilworth. Cord, 3,7 
WiUot, 399-301, 339 
Wiroenux,^44 

Wimpfrn. Oenert 43, 194, 300, 367 
Womu, 90, 105, WJ4 
Wunnter, 363, 39I-93 
Wurtemberg, 346-48, 335, 359 

York, Duke of, 303, 363, 309, 313, 
3>4 I 

Zurich, 348 



IBK TEHFLI PBKSl, rsINTIRS, LUTCHWORTH, ENGLAND